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Quick facts

Born on 7 March 1963 in Dhanusha

Went to Birla Higher Secondary School, Rajasthan, India

Graduated from Punjab University, Chandigarh, Post-grad, Utkal University, Odisha

Founded Kantipur and The Kathmandu Post in 1993

Husband of Sunita Goenka

Father to Aditya Goenka and Shreya Goenka

Commemorating the Democracy Day in 1993, after the promulgation of the ‘Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990’ that enshrined free press, we established ‘Kantipur’ and ‘The Kathmandu Post.’ This marked the beginning of a new era in Nepali independent and private media sector.

We were a close-knit team of 200-odd youngsters committed to institutionalizing democracy and its critical tenets—freedom of expression, social justice, civil liberties, human rights, rule of law, and good governance. At the same time, we also aspired to build a strong foundation for social infrastructure to provide quality education, healthcare, shelter, means of livelihood, and a sustainable and inclusive development of the nation.

Each member of our intrepid team deserves all the kudos and compliments for their contributions. This communication is on the premise of ‘We’ and not ‘I’—the essence of our glorious journey of solidarity, camaraderie, rare goodwill and bonhomie!

Most of our colleagues are today leading the media spectrum in Nepal across all platforms and are credible bylines, and many are bringing pride to the nation with their contributions in the global arena as well.

We had embarked upon the journey with limited resources, but we had an unlimited zeal. When just about everybody dismissed our efforts to set up a media house as a bad business move, Kantipur, the vernacular version more particularly, went on to not only create history, but it went on to serve as an unofficial ‘Ombudsman’ against the ills in the nation. It defied all naysayers.

Not only did it become the national leader, it in fact, went on to become the daily with maximum readership share anywhere in the world. With more than 50 percent of the national market share, it has always been leading the chart with no parallels in the world. Following statistics in this context makes interesting reading:

The world’s largest read vernacular daily, Yomiuri Shimbun, of Japan reportedly has a much lesser national readership share than that of Kantipur in Nepal. Similar is the poise of the globally largest read English daily, The Times of India in India.

Senior journalist Dhruba Hari Adhikari calls our team a ‘trailblazer’ of Nepali media. He concurs that we played a leading role by taking a risk at a time when there was no certainty whether or not investment could be made good or whether or not profit could be made. The trail or call it the track, opened by the then ‘Team Kantipur’ has now converged into a broad highway.

“As a result, it has a large formal advertising market of more than Rs 12bn, more than 200 dailies published regularly, more than 1,000 radios, more than 100 televisions, and more than 2,700 online portals, use of new media based on internet and its influence, the picture is different today!”

One important aspect which Adhikari would have loved to touch upon, but it probably skipped his mind, is reproduced here below:

This initiative has been sensitive to ensuring creation of tens of thousands of organized sector jobs of dignity for our youngsters.  

“It’s a new leap forward in terms of investment, infrastructure and influence,” says Kundan Aryal, professor at the Central Department of Mass Media and Journalism in Tribhuvan University. “There was an urgent need for an entity to operate media on an institutional basis.” Kantipur was a new leap forward taken from the non-government arena in the development of media.”

Tirtha Koirala, an affable member of this team, admits: “There was a situation to hesitate for anyone to set up a media establishment with large investment. There were no industries, the advertising market was in its infancy and there was no clear basis for profit. With whatever institutional arrangements this team went by, it brought out epoch-making changes.”

Evolution of a relatively healthier media in Nepal (with a long way yet, to go, though!) having come up more than 60 notches up in the ladder when compared to the pre-Kantipur times (before 1993) is amply vindicated by its standing in the much-credible, ‘Press Freedom Index’ wherein Nepal is credited with the 95th rank and is way ahead of the following nations, which is like an irony to many of us. In fact, it had climbed to the 76th rank in 2022 which we consider as its potential today, while 2023 appears to have been impacted by some aberrations and is not a reflection of the true poise.

Importantly, in this index which constitutes a weighted average of  critical components defining a nation’s status in the areas of democratic values, freedom in all forms, human rights, social justice, rule of law, civic liberties, Nepal is way ahead of some of the much-wowed nations such as Singapore (129th), China (179th), Hong Kong (140th), India (161st), Russia (164th), Saudi Arabia (169th), in terms of development with whom Nepal engages pretty much on trade and investments. As an epilogue one wishes to say the following. This initiative was passionately made to help make corrections across arenas mentioned in this piece and to see our beloved nation march ahead with pride, peace and prosperity for its lovely people. We have tried to put in place a forum in the form of this media initiative to be able to achieve sustainable, inclusive and holistic development for our egalitarian society and its constituents—our beloved milieu.

About him

Aditya Goenka (Son)

My father is a huge source of inspiration for me. He is my role model. An epitome of humility, he detests talking about himself, which is why you don’t find the word “I” in his enunciation on the media initiative, here above. For him, it is all about “Teamwork” and “Camaraderie”.   

As an enlightened soul himself who at a tender age of 29 went on to establish Nepal’s first independent broadsheet dailies, he was proactively involved in my academic journey as well. In fact, it is largely due to his spending time with me on my curriculum that I could top the honors at the Richmond American University in London in my Undergrad Economics program converging into my receiving offers for the master’s program from two most cherished abodes in the UK—the London School of Economics and Cambridge University. 

Adhiraj Agrawal (Son-in-law)

Shyam ji is a rare visionary and an innovator to the core. He is a pioneer in quite a few arenas. Media is one major initiative, though. His path-breaking work where we are working together, in areas as diverse as soil and water conservation, sustainable agriculture, disaster mitigation, wasteland reclamation, phytoremediation, and bioengineering with a grass called Vetiver, is currently under intense discussion as an optimum tool to solve a slew of problems confronting the nation. Landslides and floods are major disasters which are immaculately addressed by Vetiver with amazing competitiveness. 

He is essentially a social entrepreneur. Each project that he undertakes he first weighs its value in social and national context. He does not engage in anything no matter what be the fiscal reward, if it does not add value for the nation and for the people at large. 

Pawan Bhimsaria (Brother-in-law)

Shyam has been responsible for opening up tens of thousands of organized sector jobs in the media industry today by virtue of his pioneering initiative. He works to “contribute” and does not look at the “achievement” quotient in any measure. After all that he has contributed, his personal achievement in terms of material consolidation for himself is actually miniscule.  He works as a catalyst to steer others and takes pride in this rather than promoting himself. That is Shyam Goenka for you—a rare epitome of renunciation and sacrifice. The words of Dhruba Hari Adhikari here above, succinctly sums it up. “The track opened by Shyam has now converged into a broad highway. As a result, it has a large formal advertising market of more than Rs 12bn, more than 200 dailies published regularly, more than 1,000 radios, more than 100 televisions, and more than 2,700 online portals.”

The Patan High Court declared the letter issued by Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal to the Annapurna Media Network as illegal, invalid and malicious in a verdict delivered on Monday.

The court also issued a stay order, directing the concerned authorities to refrain from implementing the letter. 

The letter, which was issued beyond the jurisdiction of the civil aviation regulatory body, had sought clarification regarding the news published in the Annapurna Post daily, which is part of the AMN. 

Delivering his ruling, the single bench of Justice Ramesh Dhakal underscored the severity of CAAN's transgression, condemning its undue interference in matters of the press. “It is a direct interference in the constitutionally enshrined press freedom, and it is imperative to stop the implementation of the letter issued by CAAN.” 

The High Court’s ruling came in response to a writ petition filed by Simrik Air against both CAAN and the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. Senior advocate Sushil Kumar Pant and Narendra Prasad Gautam represented the petitioner’s side during the hearing. Notably, the court's ruling emphasized that the legal framework does not grant CAAN, or its Director General Pradeep Adhikari, the authority to oversee media content. 

If CAAN found published content objectionable, the appropriate recourse would be to request the publication of factual, accurate information. Similarly, if media outlets disseminated information detrimental to CAAN's reputation, the court posited that the Press Council Nepal should be the avenue for redress. As democratic norms dictate, oversight and critique of government agencies, including CAAN, are not only warranted but crucial. Stakeholders have the prerogative to express concerns and voice opinions on CAAN's directives, decisions, and policies. 

In the pursuit of global gender equality and women’s empowerment, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action stand as pivotal achievements

As we delve deeper, however, a critical gap emerges: These frameworks, while commendable, fall short in addressing the distinct challenges faced by women with disabilities. Amid the progress catalyzed by CEDAW and the Beijing Platform, the intricate intersection of gender and disability remains insufficiently attended to. This article unveils the persistent discrimination afflicting women with disabilities, shedding light on the limitations of these foundational documents and advocating fervently for a more comprehensive, inclusive, and intersectional approach.

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 18 Dec 1979, has been an international treaty since 3 Sept 1981. However, its 30 articles lack explicit provisions addressing disability-related concerns, despite core principles of non-discrimination and equality. The Beijing Platform for Action outlines 12 critical areas of concern, each with a comprehensive diagnostic assessment and strategic objectives. This framework serves as a roadmap to address gender equality obstacles but falls short in providing explicit provisions for women with disabilities within these areas.

Identifying the gaps

The identification of gaps within these frameworks reveals several key areas where inclusivity and intersectionality fall short. While these foundational documents prioritize the advancement of gender equality, they often overlook the intricate intersections that shape the experiences of women living with disabilities. While Article 14 of CEDAW acknowledges the unique challenges faced by rural women and Article 6 addresses critical issues such as trafficking and exploitation, the concerns specific to women with disabilities are notably absent.

The shortcomings of inclusivity become even more apparent when considering the Beijing Platform for Action. This comprehensive blueprint for women’s empowerment across diverse spheres unfortunately sidelines the concerns of women with disabilities. This exclusion significantly hinders their potential and reinforces their marginalization, impeding the realization of their aspirations.

Despite the emphasis within CEDAW on combating violence against women, a crucial oversight occurs regarding women with disabilities. Their heightened vulnerability and reliance on others often render them more susceptible to various forms of abuse. Additionally, the lack of accessible support services exacerbates their exclusion from protective measures, deepening the divide between them and their peers.

The issue of access to education and employment opportunities is another area where the two frameworks fall short. Both documents emphasize the importance of education and economic empowerment, yet they fail to address the myriad barriers obstructing the path for women with disabilities. The absence of accessible facilities, discriminatory practices and inadequate accommodations significantly hinder their educational and employment pursuits.

Furthermore, the critical matter of reproductive and sexual health services receives insufficient attention within both frameworks, particularly concerning women with disabilities. The limited discussion of these services restricts their autonomy and overall well-being, as they are denied the comprehensive care necessary to make informed choices about their bodies and lives.

Addressing the gaps

To create a more inclusive and equitable framework, several key actions are imperative. Firstly, there is a need to amend existing international frameworks, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action. These revisions should explicitly encompass disability-related concerns within their scope.

Secondly, a comprehensive approach demands an intersectional analysis. This entails thorough research and data collection that accurately capture the multifaceted experiences of women with disabilities. Such information is essential for shaping well-informed policy choices and tailoring strategies that cater to the diverse challenges these women face.

Moreover, inclusive participation stands as a cornerstone. Active and meaningful involvement of women with disabilities in the processes of policy formulation, implementation, and assessment is paramount. Their valuable insights are indispensable in the creation of solutions that truly address their needs and experiences.

Equipping officials and organizations with the requisite knowledge is the fourth crucial step. Capacity-building initiatives should be established to enhance their understanding of the intricate interplay between gender and disability. This heightened awareness will contribute to the development of policies and programs that foster inclusivity and address the complexities of this intersection.

The establishment of a robust system for data collection and monitoring is also essential. By tracking the experiences of women with disabilities, progress can be measured, and areas requiring specific attention identified.

Finally, adequate resource allocation is pivotal. Sufficient funding must be directed toward initiatives that concentrate on women with disabilities. This support is instrumental in facilitating research, developing programs, and providing services that effectively tackle the unique challenges arising at the juncture of gender and disability.

To sum up, while CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for Action have paved the way for gender equality advancements, they fall short in addressing challenges faced by women with disabilities. Moving forward, a united international community must commit to transformative change. Revising and revitalizing CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for Action to embrace diversity is paramount. These frameworks should not just reflect aspirations but champion rights, amplify voices, and celebrate achievements.

The author is a writer, researcher and disability rights activist

Our estimate is that about 20,000 people have contracted dengue in the country so far this year and a majority of them are from Koshi Province. Almost half of the total patients reside in Sunsari district. The number of dengue patients in the Kathmandu valley is relatively small compared to other districts.

The government has an annual action plan and strategies to deal with outbreaks. Dengue outbreaks typically occur during the June-November period. For prevention and control, the government has accorded top priority to destruction of the mosquitoes’ breeding grounds. Regional and provincial administrations are working hard to raise awareness on dengue. The good news from Dharan (Sunsari district) is that the number of dengue patients has gone down significantly. 

For the next two months, the country remains susceptible. Stakeholders should join forces with the Ministry of Health and Population as well as with other parties to combat dengue.

The author is Chief at Vector-borne Disease Control Section, Epidemiology and Disease Control Division