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Despite increasing calls from both within and outside their ranks, Nepal’s major political parties — the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) — are unlikely to witness any immediate changes in their top leadership.

The recent Zen-Z protests have triggered widespread debate about the need for generational leadership change in Nepal’s political landscape. Many argue that in order to remain relevant, party heads should promptly hand over leadership to younger figures. There have been growing demands for the resignation of key leaders: Sher Bahadur Deuba (Nepali Congress), KP Sharma Oli (CPN-UML), and Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ (CPN-Maoist Center), the first, second and third largest party in Parliament. 

While Oli and Dahal have recently emerged from Nepal Army protection to resume public statements, Deuba — who sustained serious injuries during the protests — remains under treatment in army barracks. Despite the pressure, a leadership transition seems unlikely, as second-rung leaders in all three parties strongly oppose the idea. According to its statute, the Nepali Congress is set to hold its general convention next year to elect new leadership. Deuba, who has already served two terms (2016–2021 and 2021–2026), is not eligible to contest again. However, due to the interim government’s announcement of elections on March 5 next year, the chances of holding an early convention appear slim.

It remains uncertain whether the Nepali Congress will participate in the upcoming elections. Deuba and his spouse were severely beaten and their house burned during the protests, which likely strengthens his resolve not to resign before the general convention, regardless of the cost. At its first Central Committee (CC) meeting following the protests, the party chose not to appoint an acting president and instead decided to wait for Deuba’s recovery. Despite internal calls to convene a special general convention, the CC rejected that option. The meeting concluded that the dissolution of Parliament was unconstitutional and emphasized building a consensus with other parties for its revival.

Within the CPN-UML, although there are minor voices opposing Oli’s continued leadership, there is no significant pressure for him to resign. The party’s statute convention, held just before the protests, removed both the 70-year age limit andterm limits, paving the way for Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term. The UML’s next leadership election is scheduled for next year, but the ongoing constitutional and political crisis may delay the convention. Moreover, there is currently no consensus on a potential successor should Oli step down. Similarly, the CPN (Maoist Center) is preparing for its general convention, but Prachanda is also unlikely to relinquish leadership. At a recent party meeting, senior leader Janardhan Sharma challenged Dahal’s leadership, but he was quickly rebuked and isolated by many within the party.  

Nepal’s interim government head, Sushila Karki, who is mandated to hold elections within six months, is facing domestic and international pressure to adhere strictly to the Constitution of 2015. These concerns emerged after the formation of the Karki-led government, which bypassed certain constitutional provisions, followed by the controversial dissolution of Parliament.

Amid the ongoing crisis, Nepal marked Constitution Day on September 19 by organizing various programs across the country. There are growing fears that failure of the interim government to maintain law and order and successfully conduct elections could push the country into further chaos, threatening the already fragile constitutional framework. Some political groups that have long opposed the 2015 Constitution are now using the unrest among Generation Z protestors to call for its dismantling, claiming it fails to address their demands. Meanwhile, some parties are accused of advancing narrow partisan interests by misinterpreting the protestors’ mandate.

While many political forces are advocating for constitutional amendments, such changes are impossible in the absence of a functioning Parliament. Interim Prime Minister Karki, attending a Constitution Day event in Kathmandu alongside President Ram Chandra Poudel and other constitutional officials, reaffirmed her commitment to the existing constitution. She emphasized that the document was forged through the long sacrifices and struggles of the Nepali people and suggested that no major changes would be made.

The Professional Alliance for Peace and Democracy (PAPAD), a loose coalition of civil society organizations, organized a Constitution Day demonstration on September 19, urging all stakeholders to safeguard the constitution. The alliance had earlier released a statement declaring the dissolution of Parliament as unconstitutional. President Poudel acknowledged that while the constitution was briefly breached during the appointment of the interim government, all other constitutional arrangements remain intact. Speaking to a group of 14 intellectuals, he stated: “As far as the Parliament is concerned, it will be recreated within six months through elections, and the constitution will remain intact.”

Major political parties, professional organizations, and Generation Z protestors are now united in calling for the protection of the constitution. The international community has also voiced support for constitutional adherence. In a message to Nepal on Constitution Day, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the United States supports the aspirations of the Nepali people for a transparent and democratic government that upholds the constitution. “We extend our congratulations to the people of Nepal on this day and look forward to continuing close cooperation in promoting stability in South Asia and contributing to a safer, more secure world,” he said.

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba also emphasized that the only way out of the current political impasse is through the constitutional framework. “Seeking solutions outside the constitution will only lead to greater instability,” Deuba warned.

Similarly, CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli stated that the country is facing a direct attack on the constitution. “We Nepalis of all generations must unite—to face the attack on our sovereignty and protect our constitution. Sovereignty is our identity, and the constitution is the armor of our freedom,” Oli said.

CPN(Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has called for a constitutional amendment to introduce a directly election president which he says is a major demand of Gen-Z, but he has not clarified how such amendment could take place in the absence of a functioning Parliament. 

In Nepal, there is a general tendency to blame the constitution for every political failure. Many voices hold it responsible for rising corruption and political instability. However, no matter how perfect a constitution may be, it becomes nothing more than a piece of paper unless it is implemented in both letter and spirit.

The constitution of Nepal, which came into effect on September 20, 2015, marked the country's transition from a long-stayed unitary system to a federal structure. Federalism was introduced as an alternative to the long-standing constitutional monarchy, which had failed to deliver. Today, however, some youths blame the federal constitution, arguing that provincial governments are an expensive burden for a country with limited resources. Yet, the constitution--with its strong provisions for inclusivity, republicanism, devolution of powers, progressive fundamental rights and federalism—cannot itself be held responsible for the failures of nation's political course.

Need for Moral and Civic Education 

If we revisit the unfortunate incidents witnessed during the Gen-Z protest, the burning of government documents and assets,along with vandalism and looting of both private and publicproperty, conveys the message that a section of society lacks civic sense and is ready to loot at any given opportunity. 

This reflects that the concepts of morality and civic responsibility are yet to be deeply rooted among a section of Nepalis. If our democracy produces youths who can burn government assets and documents, or vandalize private business and property, we can conclude that civic values have been seriously compromised. 

The viral videos reveal the unfortunate reality of some youthswho, while protesting against the incumbent government, also aligned themselves with those looting government offices and private enterprises such as Bhatbhateni Mall. 

This exposes our unchecked greed for money and material possessions. Its high time for the state to introduce subjects, like that of Moral and Civic Studies as mandatory courses at every level of education.  

Blame the politics

In Nepal, none of the governments formed after 1990 have completed a full five-year term. The state has witnessed the greedy dance of political parties in their pursuit of power and positions. We saw communist parties forging alliances with the democratic forces, and even conflicts breaking out within communist alliance governments. These incidents prove that our political parties neither stood firmly with their ideology, nor practiced politics in line with constitutional mandates. 

Perhaps we are the only democracy in world where leaders resort to forgery in Bills passed by the House. We saw that in case of Federal Civil Service Bill this year. 

We might also be the only country where top leaders publicly hurl thorny comments against the opposition. A former education Minister once remarked that KP Oli is like the "Pele of Football" who cannot be defeated or overthrown by any earthly power. KP Oli himself has an inherent habit of passing sharp comments and making fun of others. 

The governments formed after the promulgation of the current constitution have failed to deliver. This is a well-known fact. The state has witnessed massive corruption, limited initiatives for employment creation, and an almost negligible role of the government in ensuring good governance. 

The constitution does not allow for the corrupt practices. However, the document itself, like a ghost, cannot punish the abusers. It’s the government and constitutional mechanisms that must demonstrate a strong commitment to upholding the rule of law. 

We have seen appointments to the constitutional posts made for individuals with clear political affiliations. At times, their power-hungry nature has challenged the principle of separation of powers. A person of high moral stature would ordinarily refrain from accepting positions they believe compromise this principle. Yet, in Nepal, such individuals are rarely found. Should constitution be blamed for this?   We reiterate that moral education and civic sense must be imparted not only to our youths but also to our professionals. 

Way forward

As a matter of fact, no constitutional or legal document is so perfect that it can provide a solution to every given problem of every generation. That’s why, laws and constitutions are regarded as living documents, capable of being amended to ensuring broader ownership and necessary reforms. 

In India, the 1949 Constitution has been amended 106 times so far, and the US constitution has witnessed 27 amendments. In the similar vein, we can introduce amendments in our constitution to make it more progressive. We are already operating our democracy under our seventh constitution. Frequent changes to it every decade would create wrong impression in world and could invite political instability. 

The failure of our leaders cannot be seen as the failure of the constitution. If those at the helm take pledge to practice genuine politics—free from corruption and unlawful elements-- then our democracy would possess everything required for a sustainable future. Our constitution envisions for a welfare state grounded in the firm foundations of the rule of law and good governance. Its high time we translate the mandates of the constitution into reality for advancing the cause of rule of law and a vibrant democracy. 

Call it the “unintended consequences” of a movement, at least for now. 

The recent Gen Z movement against corruption, nepotism and bad governance has left behind a trail of deaths and destruction while making the myopic and reactive ruling clique flee the scene. 

More than 70 people have lost their lives and around 1000 have suffered injuries. All three organs of the state—the executive, the legislature and the judiciary—have suffered extensive infrastructural damage—as if damage resulting from the loss of credibility due to various scams and scandals were not enough—along with the fourth estate—the free press—a soft target of protesters of all hues and shades at all times. 

Throughout the country, government offices have turned into cinders while business and industries have suffered significant losses.

The most affected parts make one wonder if something more sinister has hit this country than mere protests.  

Even in a grim scenario like this, there’s a feeling among the public that all’s not lost. 

From the ashes of death and destruction, the country appears to be rising slowly. 

A caretaker administration has taken shape under a retired chief justice on the precincts of what used to be an imposing, historic Singhadurbar—the federal government secretariat—with a mandate to conduct elections within six months.

Housed in tents, the Supreme Court has begun hearing habeas corpus writ petitions. On the arteries of Kathmandu devoid of dividers and traffic islands, traffic police personnel have returned to duty and one can see them trying to bring some semblance of order amid traffic jams and snarls. 

Though badly burnt and dissolved, there’s some semblance of the bicameral Parliament at New Baneshwor, with the speaker of the House of Representatives and the chair of the National Assembly still in office. 

While the national army is back in the barracks, the Sheetal Niwas—the presidential palace—remains at the center of the current scheme of things, with burns and all. 

As a long and arduous process of national healing begins, the onus is on us—Nepalis from all walks of life, within the country and beyond—to join hands for national reconstruction by mobilizing our resources and utilizing our skills rather than looking for international support. At this juncture, the government would do well to appeal to the Nepalis to contribute to this great cause.  

From the ashes of destruction, we can—and shall—rise like a phoenix.