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In the narrow alleys and bustling courtyards of the Kathmandu Valley, one can still spot a few elders hunched over a hand-drawn grid, deep in concentration. Their fingers move small stones across intersecting lines etched on the ground—a scene that has quietly endured for generations. The game is called Bagh Chal, translating to “tiger’s move,” a traditional Nepali board game. As a child I remember playing with friends by drawing on paper as introduced by my father. We would roll paper and name them after tigers and goats.

Once a common pastime among both young and old, Bagh Chal is now fading into obscurity. “When we were children, everyone knew how to play it,” recalls a local resident. “We would draw the board on the floor or paper and play for hours. But now, I hardly see children playing it anymore.” With the rise of digital gaming and mobile entertainment, traditional games like Bagh Chal have lost much of their foothold.

Gopal Shrestha, nearly 90, reminisced about the days when he would play Bagh Chal carefree with anyone he found in the corners of the neighborhood. “The game is slowly losing its value, and I fear this generation might not be interested in it,” he said. But he remained hopeful and said, “Perhaps people can revive it by playing again, because everything comes back in cycles like fashion, culture, and traditions. Bagh Chal can be brought back if people take an interest in it.”

Bagh Chal is played between two players, one controlling four tigers and the other twenty goats. The board consists of a 5×5 point grid, with pieces placed at the intersections rather than within the squares. The tigers begin on the corners, while the goats are introduced one at a time. Before the start of the game, the twenty goats are placed outside the board, and the four tigers are positioned in the four corners. Players move alternately, with the goats always starting first. The actions made by the goats divide the game into two phases. 

In the first phase, while all twenty goats have not yet been placed on the board, the only possible move is to place one of them at a free junction. In the second phase, after all goats have been placed, they may move from their position to any adjacent junction following a straight line. The tigers, throughout the game, may perform two types of movements: like goats, they can move along any line to an adjacent junction, or they may capture a goat on an adjacent point by jumping over it along a straight line and landing on the next free junction.

Jayaram Hada, a local resident of Bhaktapur, shared, “It’s refreshing to hear young people talk about these traditional games because not many are interested in them anymore. I often see my grandchildren glued to their phones and digital games, which aren’t good for their health either. Bagh Chal is such a strategic game—it sharpens the mind and keeps you alert.” He added with a smile that he would love to play again, though his aching knees now make it difficult for him to move around the corners of the courtyard as he once did.

Occasionally, the game can fall into a repetitive cycle of positions—often used by goats as a defensive tactic. To prevent endless repetition, an additional rule has been established: once all goats have been placed, no move is allowed that recreates a previously repeated position within the same game. The tigers win by capturing at least five goats, achieved by leaping over them into an adjacent empty spot, while the goats win by blocking all tigers so they can no longer move.

For the tigers, movement is allowed to any adjacent free point along the connecting lines. They can capture goats at any time, even before all the goats have been placed on the board, but only one goat can be captured in a single move. A tiger may jump over a goat in any direction as long as there is an open space to land, but it cannot jump over another tiger.

The goats, on the other hand, cannot move until all have been positioned on the board. When a goat is captured, it is permanently removed from play. Unlike tigers, goats cannot jump over any pieces, whether tigers or other goats. The game concludes when the tigers have captured five goats or when the goats successfully block all possible moves of the tigers. The game ends when either the tigers capture five goats or the goats completely trap the tigers.

Bagh Chal shares similarities with South India’s Aadu Puli Aattam (the Lambs and Tigers game), yet its identity remains distinctly Nepali—often played with stones especially on the floor. Today, some enthusiasts and developers have digitized Bagh Chal, creating mobile versions to introduce it to newer generations. But for many, the tactile pleasure of drawing the grid on the floor and playing under the open sky remains irreplaceable.

CPN-UML, the second-largest party in the dissolved House of Representatives, is undergoing an intense internal conflict, though it is far less vocal than the turmoil inside the Nepali Congress. Almost all senior leaders believe that Chairman KP Sharma Oli should step down for the sake of the party, arguing that his image has been tarnished by the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 GenZ protest, when he was prime minister.

While some leaders have openly demanded his resignation, others remain hesitant, fearing that if Oli wins the party leadership next month, they could face the same fate as the many leaders who were sidelined after Oli became the UML chairman in 2015.

Senior leaders such as Ishwar Pokhrel, Surendra Pandey and Astha Laxmi Shakya have publicly stated that Oli should not contest the leadership election. Despite this, Oli is preparing to seek unanimous endorsement as party chair at the general convention scheduled for Dec 13-14 in Kathmandu. Many leaders worry that he could manipulate the process of selecting convention representatives to secure his victory.

In the 2021 convention, Bhim Rawal had challenged Oli, but was ultimately pushed out of UML. Rawal has now joined the Nepali Communist Party formed by former Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Dahal, having dropped the Maoist label, is now working to consolidate fringe communist groups under his leadership. Likewise, after a prolonged rivalry with Oli, Madhav Kumar Nepal split from UML to form his own party, CPN (Unified Socialist). Now he too has joined the Nepal Communist Party.

UML insiders say defeating Oli at the convention remains a herculean task, given his strong organizational grip. To maintain control, Oli even blocked the possible entry of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari by stripping her of party membership without any compelling justification. Bhandari, however, continues to oppose Oli from outside the party and is strongly backing senior leader Ishwar Pokhrel for party chair. Many senior leaders are also gravitating toward Pokhrel, and his faction is expected to restore Bhandari’s membership if they secure the leadership.

At a recent party meeting, Pokhrel informed Oli directly that he intends to run for the UML leadership. He is preparing to issue a public appeal to convention representatives in the coming days. Senior leaders Astha Laxmi Shakya, Yubaraj Gyawali, Surendra Pandey, Yogesh Bhattarai and Gokarna Bista have already rallied behind him. Meanwhile, senior leader Bishnu Poudel, who served as finance minister under Oli, has adopted a neutral stance, remaining silent on the leadership dispute despite his strong organizational influence across the country.

The conflict, however, is not limited to leadership. Many top leaders are dissatisfied with the party’s policy direction following the GenZ movement. They oppose Oli’s decision to form the National Volunteers Force, which they fear could trigger internal confrontations. Despite objections from key office bearers, Oli moved ahead with the plan and began coordinating directly with Mahesh Basnet, bypassing party structures.

These leaders argue the party cannot reject elections outright while focusing solely on restoring Parliament. They believe Oli is inflaming political tensions rather than helping stabilize the national environment, which has led to clashes between UML cadres and GenZ activists. 

Leaders worry that his refusal to acknowledge the concerns of young people could damage the party’s electoral prospects. Several senior leaders say that although the violence on Sept 8–9 was unprecedented, the party must recognize the underlying demands of the youth, particularly the need to curb corruption and improve governance. 

Rejecting the September protests will alienate the youth, one senior official said on condition of anonymity. The leader added that Oli now appears to be using the party’s institutional strength to shield himself from potential action over his role in those events, a move they warn will harm UML in the long run.

With the Nepali Congress already committing to elections, UML finds itself increasingly isolated. The Nepali Communist Party led by Dahal and other fringe parties have also decided to contest the polls on 5 March 2026. 

As the general convention approaches, Oli’s position among office bearers is weakening. Only a handful of senior leaders, including Pradeep Gyawali, Shankar Pokhrel, Bishnu Rimal and Prithvi Subba Gurung, continue to back him strongly, while most others either openly criticize him or support a change in leadership.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has claimed that the party will not contest the upcoming elections to the House of Representatives under the signature of the current President Sher Bahadur Deuba.

Stating that a new leadership will emerge from the special general convention, he said that the Congress will contest the elections under the signature of the newly elected president.  

Nepali Congress has registered the party for the House of Representatives and National Assembly elections under the signature of President Sher Bahadur Deuba. Therefore, there are speculations that Deuba, who had entrusted Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka with the responsibilities of acting party president, had returned to active politics with an intention to influence ticket distribution.

Meanwhile, he said that there is no alternative to special general convention in the Congress.

Thapa further said that the signature of Deuba submitted in the Election should be replaced once the new president is elected.

The word, ‘feminism’, has its origins in the Latin word ‘femina’ meaning ‘woman’. It emerged in the 19th century, as a belief and movement that supports empowering women to ensure gender equality in an androcentric society. However, even with its widespread belief, its attempt to dismantle the entrenchment of patriarchal systems remains slow and scarce in Nepal and South Asian countries in general.

With the rise of social media, feminism is slowly becoming an infamous topic. It is now frequently associated with misandry. However, in simple words, it has always stood for gender equality and giving women the chance to be treated as equally and unquestionably as men are, in whichever path they choose in their lives.

The growing openness to women engaging in paid employment, entrepreneurial ventures, and generally any pursuits once dominated by men, reflects the growing independence of women. However, persistent disparities in society continue to keep the need for feminism alive. Rekha Pande’s research reveals that workplace inequality remains deeply rooted. Women often earn less than men for the same work, about 82 cents for every dollar, despite having equal education, experience, and family situations. 

Even women in leadership face bias; when Yahoo CEO Marissa Mayer announced her pregnancy, many questioned her ability to lead. Society still idealizes the “good” mother as one who prioritizes home and children, while fathers face no such scrutiny. This double standard hinders women’s career growth.

The most significant indicator of the need for feminism in South Asian countries is the alarming prevalence of gender-based violence and crimes against women. Nepal reports 23 percent of women reporting physical violence and eight percent reporting sexual violence since age 15, and higher rates in Madhes Province. 

Systematic reviews identify ecological risk factors: husband’s alcohol use, low education, early marriage, controlling behavior, caste/region marginalisation, and entrenched patriarchal norms. Furthermore, cultural practices such as chhaupadi, child marriage, deuki and kamlari legitimize women’s subordination and amplify vulnerability in our country. 

A counterargument that attributes such violence solely to Nepal’s underdevelopment is weak, as gender-based violence is pervasive across South‑Asia, manifesting as intimate‑partner abuse, dowry‑related killings, street harassment, and technology‑facilitated abuse. In Bangladesh, two‑thirds of women experience some form of violence, with patriarchal customs driving dowry deaths, rape, acid attacks and trafficking. Pakistan’s surveys show roughly one‑third of women suffer domestic violence, especially in rural areas where education and economic dependence are low. 

South Asia has long tied their familial and societal honour to women, which obstructs their independence to make their own choices about their sexuality and reproductive decisions. Alongside this, the core construction of families assigns the senior-most authority of decision-making to the male member, instead of working together towards a happy life. This authority gives the males a perceived right to control the women and the younger ones of the family. This is a practice of gender inequality disguised under the impression of ‘traditions’, simultaneously undermining years of oppression. This pattern also results in violent crimes such as marital rape, wife-beating and denying women access to money, education, or employment. 

Feminist scholars specifically argue that ‘violent patriarchal constructions’ are what legitimize both honor crimes and domestic control. Furthermore, feminist economics highlights a complex relationship where economic empowerment, by unsettling established gender norms, can unfortunately lead to a heightened risk of intimate partner violence. 

It is common to raise women to adjust and ‘keep the peace’ through silence, mediation or clothing that covers the body completely. Even though people of urban areas are practicing the opposite, rural areas still find veiled women caged in their homes, fiercely dominated by their husbands to resort to only housework with no say in household decisions of any kind whatsoever. It is evident that these actions stem from fundamentalist beliefs in countries like ours, with strong orthodox backgrounds and diverse bases for establishment of thought patterns. 

Marriage, a mythologically and culturally respected union for centuries has also functioned as an anti‑feminist agenda. When marriage institutionalises and reproduces gendered hierarchies that limit women’s autonomy and reinforce patriarchal power, it acts as a catalyst of gender inequality and thus births a number of social disorders. By framing the union as a “natural” pairing of a male breadwinner and a female caretaker, marriage normalises a binary division of labour that privileges men’s public roles and confines unwilling women to private, domestic spheres, even through use of force. 

Social identity theory, which refers to one having a strong sense of belonging to one’s own gender group, makes individuals more inclined to uphold that group’s norms. Therefore, in cultures where a woman’s settlement in life is tied to being married, women who do not wish for marriage are judged severely and socially excluded. 

However, it is necessary to understand that feminism is not inherently against marriage. At its core, it’s an idea that no person, regardless of their gender, should be judged or pressured for choosing to marry, or not to marry, at the age or life stage they deem appropriate, entirely out of their own free will and personal choice. It is a movement and revolution for choice and equality. Feminism challenges the expectation that a woman’s value or identity is defined by her marital status which is the principle most South Asian societies run by. It is also a doctrine that advocates for the equal rights of individuals of every gender to define their relationships, identity and structure without facing social penalty. 

In South Asia, feminism remains an essential movement, not as a threat to tradition, but as a call for gender equality, personal choice, and the dismantling of patriarchal structures that limit women’s autonomy and opportunities.

Meghana Saud

BA IIIrd Year

St Xavier’s College, Maitighar