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Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak is under pressure from opposition parties to resign, taking moral responsibility for last week’s reported visit visa scam. Though no concrete evidence of Lekhak’s involvement has emerged, opposition parties are demanding his resignation and the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate the issue.

Opposition parties, particularly the CPN (Maoist Center), Rastriya Swatantra Party, and CPN (Unified Socialist), obstructed Parliament on Tuesday and Wednesday over the matter. Within his party, the Nepali Congress (NC), Lekhak is known as a politician with a clean image and integrity, having played a pivotal role in Nepal’s peace and constitution-drafting process. A key architect of the current NC-UML coalition, Lekhak is a close confidant of NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The NC insists he should be allowed to speak in Parliament to clarify the accusations, but opposition parties remain adamant about his resignation.

The parliamentary obstruction comes at a critical time—the government is set to present its budget on May 29, the constitutionally mandated deadline. Opposition parties have hinted they may allow the budget presentation, acknowledging that failure to do so could trigger a constitutional crisis.

Lekhak faces pressure not only from opposition parties but also from within his own party. Senior NC leader Shekhar Koirala publicly suggested he resign to facilitate an independent probe into the scam. On Wednesday, NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa stated that the home minister should step down, calling it a “political and moral issue.” Despite internal dissent, the NC’s official stance is that Lekhak will not resign, nor will a judicial commission be formed. NC Chief Whip Shyam Ghimire said that since only some officials have been implicated so far, seeking home minister’s resignation is unjustified.

On May 21, Tirtha Raj Bhattarai, chief of the Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA) Immigration Office, was interrogated by the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) for allegedly facilitating illegal foreign travel on visit visas. Officials describe the scam as potentially involving billions, with suspicions of senior home ministry officials’ involvement. Bhattarai’s abrupt transfer from the airport to the home ministry—followed by his arrest the next day—has raised questions. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and the NC continue to support Lekhak, citing a lack of direct evidence linking him to the case. However, prolonged parliamentary disruption could intensify pressure for his resignation.

The Home Ministry’s reputation has suffered in recent years due to successive corruption scandals. Former Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand faces charges in the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal, alongside the home secretary and other high-level officials. Former Home Minister Rabi Lamichhane is also embroiled in cases involving cooperative fraud and passport misuse. After being denied the chance to speak in Parliament, Lekhak held a press conference to defend his position on Wednesday.

"It is unjust to drag leadership into controversy before the CIAA completes its investigation," he said. "I will not resign based on media and social media reports. No complaints have been filed against me. I deserve justice like any ordinary citizen." He also argued that past investigations into senior Home Ministry officials and the chief secretary did not prompt calls for political leadership to step down. Lekhak assured the Home Ministry would fully cooperate with the CIAA’s probe.

My journey with sharbat began on a bright day in a television studio. During an interview on Nepal Television, the discussion touched many topics, but my heart kept returning to one subject—our humble, refreshing, and deeply traditional drink: sharbat. It was then I realized this drink is more than a thirst-quencher. It’s a symbol of our identity and a reflection of our heritage. 

The word ‘sharbat’ comes from the Arabic word sharba, meaning ‘a sip’ or ‘something to drink.’ Its roots trace back to ancient Persia and the Arab world, where it was more than a cool refreshment. It was believed to have healing powers. Scholars and traditional healers used ingredients like rose, lemon, cardamom, and fennel to prepare these sweet herbal drinks.

As it traveled across the Islamic world—from Baghdad to Cairo, and later into the Ottoman Empire and Mughal India—sharbat was refined and reinvented. In India, Emperor Babur famously had ice brought from the mountains of Kabul just to enjoy sharbat in the summer heat. Regional ingredients like bael fruit and raw mango gave rise to new variations like aam panna.

Sharbat eventually made its way into Nepali kitchens and local culture. Here, it evolved again—crafted from ingredients found in our own soil, like khudo (traditional sugarcane molasses) and native lemons such as kagati and sun kagati. Today, sharbat is part of many Nepali households, but it deserves a more honored place in our national identity.

Nepal is a land rich in natural beauty, biodiversity, and culture. But some of our simplest traditions remain underappreciated. Sharbat is one of them. In a world full of imported soft drinks that are unhealthy, expensive, and harmful to local economies, sharbat offers a refreshing and sustainable alternative.

It’s healthy, easy to make, and full of local flavors. It energizes and cools the body, thanks to its natural ingredients. The molasses (khudo) provides organic sweetness, while the fresh lemon juice adds a zesty boost of vitamin C—good for digestion and immunity.

And sharbat is versatile. You can serve it chilled at a roadside tea shop, mix it into a cocktail at a luxury hotel, or enjoy it with momo during family gatherings. It belongs everywhere.

Here is a basic recipe that anyone can make at home, in restaurants, or at events:

Ingredients:

• 1 liter of natural or spring water
• 2–3 tablespoons of khudo (sugarcane molasses)
• Juice of 3–4 kagati or sun kagati lemons
• Optional: A few crushed mint leaves or a dash of rose syrup

Instructions:

• Mix water and khudo until fully dissolved.
• Add freshly squeezed lemon juice.
• (Optional) Add mint or rose syrup for extra flavor.
• Chill in the fridge or serve over ice.

This is more than just a recipe—it’s a taste of Nepal’s soil and spirit.

On that day at Nepal Television, I found myself passionately speaking about why sharbat should be served in every embassy, hotel, and street corner in the country. Imagine welcoming foreign guests at international conferences with a glass of chilled sharbat. Picture tourists arriving at resorts in Chitwan or trekking lodges in the Himalayas, greeted with this simple, delightful drink. What better way to share a piece of our culture?

With rising health concerns around sugary sodas and energy drinks, Nepali sharbat stands out as a natural and nutritious alternative. It hydrates, refreshes, and nourishes. It’s free from chemicals and full of the natural goodness of local lemons and molasses.

Sharbat can be enjoyed any time of day. It doesn’t spike blood sugar the way sodas do. And because it uses ingredients found across Nepal, it supports a healthy lifestyle while also supporting local farmers.

Promoting sharbat means investing in Nepal’s local economy. If more people start using khudo, it increases demand for locally grown sugarcane. If restaurants and hotels serve lemon-based sharbat, it helps citrus farmers. If street vendors sell sharbat, they gain income while sharing local flavors with visitors.

More than that, it’s about pride. In a globalized world dominated by multinational brands, serving sharbat is a way of saying: ‘This is who we are.’ It’s our version of Japan’s matcha tea, India’s lassi, or Qatar’s lemon-mint. It’s uniquely Nepali.

During the FIFA World Cup in Qatar, I was part of the culinary team that helped upgrade the Qatar Airways inflight menu. One of the highlights was introducing the Qatari drink ‘lemon mint’—simple, refreshing, and rooted in identity. That moment made me think: why shouldn’t Nepal have its own national drink?

We already do. It’s in our homes, our farms, and our traditions. It’s called sarbat—our version of sharbat.

This is more than a campaign for a drink. It’s a campaign for national pride, health, and economic empowerment. I urge families, restaurants, tourism operators, and government officials to make sharbat part of everyday life.

Let’s serve it at international events. Let’s include it on hotel menus. Let’s encourage farmers to grow more lemons and sugarcane. Let’s support local producers of khudo. Let’s inspire young entrepreneurs to bottle Nepali sharbat and sell it to the world.

Every glass of sharbat we serve is a step toward self-reliance. It’s a drink that quenches more than thirst—it speaks to our roots, our resilience, and our rich culture. It’s affordable, accessible, and full of potential.

The author is a London-based R&D chef

Cement and brick factories in and around Lumbini Province are contributing to elevated nitrogen dioxide (NO₂) pollution levels in Nepal, surpassing even those in the Kathmandu Valley.

A study led by Madhu S. Gyawali used high-resolution satellite data to track air pollution sources. The US-based research team included Gyawali, Lok N. Lamsal, Sujan Neupane, Bimal Gyawali, Keshav Bhattarai, Bradford Fisher, Nickolay Krotkov, Jos van Geffen, Henk Eskes, Shriram Sharma, Cameron Brunt, and Rudra Aryal. The researchers represented institutions such as San Jacinto College, NASA Goddard Space Flight Center, the University of Maryland Baltimore County, the Royal Netherlands Meteorological Institute (KNMI), Tribhuvan University, and Franklin Pierce University, among others.

Rudra Aryal, a professor at Franklin Pierce University, expressed deep concern over the rising pollution levels near Nepal’s brick and cement factories. “We’ve found that air pollution in this region could become fatal if not addressed promptly,” he warned.

The study analyzed NO₂ distribution from 2018 to 2021, focusing on emerging pollution sources from brick and cement factories. “The rapid expansion of these industries has made the Lumbini-Butwal-Palpa corridor more polluted than Kathmandu,” said Aryal. “Cross-border pollution emissions further exacerbate the problem.”

Nitrogen dioxide (NO₂), a key air quality indicator, was monitored using satellite data from the TROPOspheric Monitoring Instrument (TROPOMI). Findings revealed that NO₂ levels in the Lumbini-Butwal-Palpa corridor nearly doubled between 2019 and 2021, while levels in Kathmandu remained stable except for a temporary drop in 2020 due to Covid-19 restrictions.

A comparison between 2018 EDGAR emission data and 2019 TROPOMI estimates showed comparable NOₓ emissions in the Lumbini corridor but 35 percent higher satellite-derived estimates over Kathmandu. This discrepancy, along with surging emissions from cement and brick industries, underscores the urgent need for updated emission inventories, the study notes.

Published in ScienceDirect, the research highlights serious environmental and public health risks from unchecked air pollution.

Nepal has 114 registered cement plants, with 65 currently operational, producing 14 million metric tons annually. Production increased from 0.3 million tons (pre-2010) to 10 million tons (2018), driven by urbanization and infrastructure demands. A third of these plants are concentrated in the Lumbini-Butwal-Palpa corridor, near the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Lumbini. The Hongshi-Shivam Cement plant, operational since 2018, is the largest, producing 6,000 tons daily.

These industries rely on 171 licensed limestone mines, with raw materials transported by hundreds of heavy trucks. Coal imported from South Africa and India is burned at high temperatures (exceeding 1,400°C), releasing significant NOₓ emissions.

Meanwhile, 1,700 brick kilns across Nepal produce 5 billion bricks annually, primarily in the south-central and southeastern regions. Most operate only outside the June-August monsoon season. A 2014 report found that 50 percent of kilns use coal and rice husk, 26 percent use coal with biomass, and 24 percent rely solely on coal, emitting carbon monoxide, NOₓ, and black carbon.

Despite their environmental impact, brick production technology remains outdated and highly polluting. “The government must take immediate action to mitigate these deadly environmental and health hazards,” urged Aryal.

However, Nepal’s Ministry of Forests and Environment admits that beyond drafting policies, little concrete action has been taken to address the crisis.

The recent month-long teachers’ movement, which was driven by the demand for the immediate enactment of the Education Act, has underscored the need for urgent reforms in Nepal’s community education system. While the movement primarily focused on securing professional rights and employment stability, it largely sidelined issues related to the quality of education—raising concerns about whether such protests truly contribute to meaningful educational reform.

Although the movement did not directly address systemic improvements, some of its outcomes are expected to indirectly benefit school education. However, once the protest gained momentum, discussions around key policy issues that should have been addressed in the Education Act were overshadowed by demands for teachers’ rights and benefits. Experts argue that workplace stability and social security are key to unlocking educators' full potential.

Despite this understanding, various categories of teachers have been created over time—often due to political favoritism and donor-driven programs—leading to further complications. A lack of timely problem-solving by authorities has emboldened protestors, allowing them to dominate education discourse more than the official mechanisms.

Two major factors are seen as the primary reasons behind the delay in passing the Education Act. First, existing education policy mandates that institutional schools be converted into trusts after a certain period, a point of contention. Second, the government has yet to clearly decide whether to enforce the constitutional provision of free school education or to redefine the objective of school education altogether.

This delay is further complicated by a conflict of interest. Many political leaders own institutional schools and hold influential positions in the education sector. This dual role hinders the creation of unbiased legislation. Moreover, although the constitution and laws guarantee compulsory and free education up to grade eight, in practice, community schools continue to charge parents monthly fees under various pretexts, including for “support” and administrative costs. Even the Examination Board collects fees under the guise of registration and exam charges.

Given these realities, there is growing acknowledgment within the current leadership that making school education entirely free may not be feasible without compromising quality. As the debate continued following the submission of a parliamentary subcommittee’s report, attention remained fixed on teacher adjustments—such as increasing the number of positions and making temporary or contract-based teachers permanent—rather than addressing deeper issues within the education system.

Meanwhile, data from the Economic Survey sheds light on structural challenges within community schools. Of the 27,990 community schools operating nationwide, 15,965 have fewer than 100 students. Organizing proper teaching and staffing for such small student populations is highly complex. Another 9,704 schools have between 100 and 500 students, while only around 1,600 schools enroll more than 1,000 students—suggesting that only a small fraction meet the criteria for being considered standard schools.

This data indicates that the current focus of debate is detached from the pressing needs of the education sector. In light of this, restructuring and consolidating schools should be part of the broader reform agenda. While merging schools may be necessary, it alone cannot solve the problem. Instead, implementing multi-grade teaching systems with appropriate teacher training in sparsely populated areas could address the challenges more effectively.

As the government prepares to introduce the new School Education Act, it is crucial to base reforms on ground realities. A task force composed of independent experts should be formed to study the actual conditions of community schools. Without considering factors such as Nepal’s diverse geography, migration patterns, and shifting parental attitudes, any hastily prepared legislation risks exacerbating existing problems. While the government has proposed issuing the act by July 29, education stakeholders argue that taking four to six additional months to develop a more comprehensive and responsive law would be more beneficial in the long run.