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It is my great honour to address the SCO Plus Meeting in Tianjin, a city that ever shines with beauty, culture and innovation. Let me extend warm greetings and best wishes of Nepali people for the success of this Meeting as well as continued progress and prosperity of all SCO Member States. My delegation joins me in expressing our sincere gratitude to the Government of China for the generous hospitality and excellent arrangements made for the meeting. We live in an age of extraordinary progress: in science, technology, and innovation.

Yet, this progress is overshadowed by deep fractures: widening inequalities, economic turbulence, climate emergencies, and conflicts that defy borders. In such a world, no nation can stand secure in isolation. No people can prosper in fragmentation. This is why multilateralism is an imperative of our time. Yet we must face a harsh truth. Rule based order has been challenged. Peace and justice remained elusive. Thus, multilateralism is in crisis. And this crisis is not only external. It also stems from its failure to deliver. Multilateral forums promise much. Too often, they deliver little. Promises without progress erode trust.

But abandoning multilateralism is not the answer. We need a revitalised multilateralism now. We must make the global governance system more effective and efficient by placing the United Nations at its core. In this context, the Global Governance Initiative (GGI) proposed by China would help strengthen the multilateral system by making it a more just, inclusive and equitable community with a shared future for humanity. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization will complement the spirit of revitalized multilateralism based on sovereign equality,

Further, there is an urgency for a revitalized SCO:

• More united,
• More integrated, and
• More resilient to tackle deepening geopolitical, economic, and ecological shocks that threaten our shared future

Nepal, a proud Dialogue Partner since 2016, looks forward to getting admitted as a full member. We cannot speak of peace without addressing regional security. Threats cross borders every day. Terrorism robs societies of safety and opportunities. Climate change multiplies risk. Nepal, with the Himalaya in its heart, feels its wrath directly. While our mountains serve as global climate stabilizers, they are being stripped of their snow reserve endangering the lives of billions living downstream. Emerging threats such as cyber-attacks, pandemics, ecological shocks are not confined to borders. With just five years left to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, we are clearly off-track.

In these turbulent times, regional cooperation is a tool to tackle shared challenges—economic, technological, ecological. Nepal’s commitment to regional cooperation is steadfast, and our relations with SCO members are strong. The path ahead requires three shifts. First, from isolation to connectivity. We must foster regional peace, progress and prosperity through enhanced physical, economic, digital, socio-cultural and people-to-people connectivity. Second, from confrontations to consultations. Disagreements are natural, but disputes need not to be destructive. By embracing the Shanghai Spirit, we should step up dialogue and diplomacy to nurture deeper understanding.

Third, from competition to cooperation. The world needs more partnership not partition. By working together, regionally and globally, we can build a just, inclusive, and resilient order and achieve sustainable development. Such “whole of the world” coordination will ensure that no nation is left behind.

In conclusion, Nepal reaffirms its commitment to enhance regional cooperation within SCO. We support a rules-based, inclusive multilateral system for a sustainable future. Let us uphold the Shanghai Spirit. Let us strengthen friendships, partnerships, and good neighbourly relations. A resilient and prosperous SCO region is within our reach, when we are committed to act together.

According to constitutional provisions, the Madhes Province Government has the authority to manage industries with investments of up to Rs 500 million. However, files of industries established prior to the formation of the province remain stuck in federal-level departments under the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies, creating complications in their renewal and operation.

Madhes Province Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism, Basanta Kushwaha, said delays in transferring authority from Singha Durbar to the provinces have caused disorder and difficulties for industries. “The lack of documents has created problems in renovation, relocation, fines, and other industrial activities,” he said. Minister Kushwaha has submitted a seven-point memorandum to Union Minister for Industry, Commerce and Supplies Damodar Bhandari, calling for urgent action. He emphasized that the delay in implementing the powers guaranteed by the constitution has placed additional burdens on both the provincial government and industrialists in Madhes.

As per Sub-section 2 of Section 4 of the Industrial Business Act, 2019, registration, capital increases, relocation, and related activities for industries within Madhes Province (excluding those specified in Sub-section 1 of Section 4 of the 2010 Act) should fall under provincial jurisdiction. While Madhes Province has established an office of the Department of Industries in Birgunj, the Federal Department of Industries in Tripureshwor continues to handle much of the work. Minister Kushwaha noted that the federal government’s failure to transfer files on time has seriously hindered provincial performance, forcing industrialists to travel to Kathmandu for tasks that should be managed locally.

The memorandum further demands the transfer of industry files with fixed capital up to Rs 500m to the province. “Not only will this make our offices more effective, but it will also ensure employees have sufficient work,” Kushwaha stated. He also called for delegating environmental oversight of sand processing and crusher industries to the province, as well as inspection and enforcement authority regarding pollution from large industries—about 100 of which operate in Madhes Province.

Other demands include strengthening staff capacity in industrial administration, establishing startups and incubation centers, and creating mechanisms for sharing sectoral knowledge. Minister Kushwaha also stressed that exemptions under the Federal Economic Act should be granted based on recommendations from the provincial ministry.

In addition, the province has requested the transfer of responsibilities for special economic zones, industrial zones, industrial villages, export promotion zones, and IT parks. Madhes currently hosts the Simara Special Economic Zone and the Gajendra Narayan Singh Industrial Zone.

Responding to these concerns, Federal Minister for Industry, Commerce and Supplies Damodar Bhandari said efforts to transfer constitutionally mandated powers to the provinces will move forward soon. “We will hold discussions with the commerce ministers of all seven provinces and take the work ahead,” he said.

When the constitution was enacted in 2015, Nepal had dozens of political parties representing diverse castes, classes, languages, cultures, and regions. Many of these parties had mushroomed in the decade between the People’s Movement of 2005–06 and the promulgation of the constitution, claiming to speak for the “voiceless.” Today, many have vanished, while those that remain struggle to stay relevant.

The parties that rose to prominence through people’s movements and street protests gradually abandoned their agendas in the pursuit of power. This eroded public trust and weakened their organizational strength. In the 2017 elections, the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum led by Upendra Yadav and the Rastriya Janata Party led by Mahantha Thakur formed an alliance and emerged as a decisive force in both the House of Representatives and Provincial Assemblies. But the coalition soon collapsed under the weight of internal power struggles, and by the 2022 elections, both were compelled to seek alliances with larger parties just to field candidates.

In the 2017 House of Representatives elections, the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) was the largest in Madhes, winning 10 seats. By 2022, its tally had dropped to six, while the CPN-UML, which had secured only two seats in 2017, rose to nine. The Loktantrik Samajbadi Party (LSP) also declined sharply, from nine seats to three. The Nepali Congress, meanwhile, slightly improved its standing from six to seven, becoming the second strongest party in the region.

The CPN (Maoist Center), which had won five Madhes seats in 2017, was reduced to one in 2022. The newly formed CPN (Unified Socialist) gained two seats, while the Janmat Party, positioning itself as an alternative to traditional Madhesi parties—won one seat. Other smaller parties collectively secured three.

Upendra Yadav, once celebrated for elevating Madhes politics, won Saptari-2 in 2017 with a huge margin and went on to lead federal ministries five times. But many in the Madhesi community now accuse him of prioritizing power over their demands. “The people now see repeated ministerial stints with forces that suppressed Madhes as betrayal,” said Arun Jha, a Janakpur-based youth leader active in the Madhes movement. “Personal interests, greed for power, and arrogance have sunk the parties here.” In 2022, Upendra Yadav lost his Saptari seat to CK Raut of the Janmat Party but managed a comeback from Bara-2 with Congress and Maoist backing.

Other prominent leaders also suffered setbacks. Rajendra Mahato, who once defeated veteran Congress leader Bimalendra Nidhi in Dhanusha-3, lost heavily in 2022 after contesting from Sarlahi-2. Active in politics since 1990 through the Nepal Sadbhavana Party, Mahato has served multiple terms as lawmaker and minister.

“The colonial mindset of big parties is behind the weakening of Madhesi parties,” said JSP whip Ram Ashish Yadav. “Greed, fear, intimidation, and the politics of protection prevent small parties from standing tall. Those aligned with big parties escape accountability, while those in small parties face prosecution. This compulsion has frustrated both the spirit of the constitution and the rights of the people.”

Madhes-based parties have also lost ground at the provincial level. In the first Madhes Provincial Assembly (2017), JSP held 30 of 107 seats, the largest share. By 2022, this dropped to 19. The UML increased its tally from 21 to 25, while Nepali Congress rose from 19 to 22. The LSP fell from 25 to nine, and the Maoist Center also lost its seats in Madhes. New entrants like the CPN-Unified Socialist and Janmat Party together secured 13 seats. Three others—Nepal Federal Socialist Party, RPP, and Nagarik Unmukti Party—entered through proportional representation winning a seat each.

In the federal parliament, Madhes-based parties are opposing the government’s new Land Bill, calling it anti-Madhes. Minister for Land Management, Cooperatives, and Poverty Alleviation, Balram Adhikari, presented the bill to amend several laws, which passed with majority support. JSP chair Upendra Yadav denounced it as “a design to turn Madhes into a desert,” citing groundwater depletion and Chure destruction. The Rastriya Mukti Party, led by Rajendra Mahato, also opposed it. General Secretary Anil Mahaseth alleged it served land mafias under the guise of helping squatters.

Amid their decline, seven Madhesi parties have recently formed the Federal Democratic Front to safeguard their political existence and raise Madhesi issues collectively. The alliance includes the Janmat Party, JSP Nepal, LSP Nepal, Nagarik Unmukti Party, Rastriya Mukti Party, Janmat Pragatisheel Party, and Tamalopa. “We’ve learned hard lessons from disunity,” said JSP spokesperson Manish Suman. “This front will emerge as a force.”

Meanwhile, Madhes politics has once again been shaken by renewed investigations into the 2007 Gaur massacre, which killed 27 people during a clash between the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum led by Upendra Yadav and the Maoist supporters. On April 20, 2025, police began investigating 130 accused, including Yadav. DIG Uma Prasad Chaturbedi confirmed the probe, noting that death certificates of 11 accused were under verification.

The case resurfaced after a 2022 Supreme Court order responding to a writ filed by victims demanding their constitutional right to redress. JSP leaders have dismissed the move as political revenge. “If the state has evidence, prove it. If not, Madhes will oppose such conspiracies,” said JSP leader Jitendra Yadav.

Despite multiple inquiries by the National Human Rights Commission and other bodies, official reports on the incident remain unpublished. Rights groups have criticized the government’s failure to deliver justice, while survivors continue to demand accountability nearly two decades later.

Dimitri Okhlopkov is a seasoned operations leader at inDrive, where he heads Driver Operations for South Asia. With a background in driver retention, activation, and acquisition, he has held key roles across Russia, Kazakhstan, and South Asia. Prior to inDrive, Okhlopkov worked in public service and social welfare, bringing a unique blend of strategic, analytical, and people-focused skills to every role. Excerpts from the interview:

Can you give us an overview of inDrive’s current driver community in Nepal? How has it grown over the past year?

We launched inDrive in 2021, during the post-covid period, after conducting research to understand the evolving needs of the market. The response was overwhelmingly positive—from drivers, passengers, and support teams alike. Since then, we’ve continued to grow steadily, offering valuable benefits to both drivers and passengers. One of the key advantages of our platform is the fair and flexible pricing system. Unlike many competitors, we allow a transparent fare negotiation model where both drivers and passengers have a say. Drivers can choose rides based on distance, time, and their preferences, and they are also free to skip any requests that don’t suit them. This system empowers drivers, giving them more control and a stronger voice in how they work. As a result, many drivers have chosen to partner with us, and our community continues to grow every day—with more passengers joining and enjoying the flexibility and fairness we offer.

What are the main challenges that drivers face while using inDrive’s platform, and how is your team addressing these concerns?

We understand that many drivers have specific needs and face ongoing challenges. As a company, we are actively working to support them and continually improve the services we offer on our platform. For instance, we recently introduced an insurance system that ensures all riders are covered. This initiative has significantly enhanced their safety and well-being. We’re also constantly developing and rolling out new features to make their experience even better. To provide more hands-on support, we’ve established local offices where drivers can freely share their concerns, ask questions, and receive assistance. This open communication has been beneficial for both the drivers and our team. In addition, we’ve partnered with various companies to offer drivers bonuses, discounts, and essential items like car lubricants—resources they can easily access and use.

How does inDrive ensure fair pricing and income sustainability for drivers, especially in price-sensitive markets like Nepal?

Pricing is always a sensitive issue. To address this, we are developing a bidding system that allows drivers to set their own prices. Riders can choose to accept or skip the ride if the fare doesn’t suit them. A ride only happens when both the driver and rider agree—it’s entirely based on mutual consent. While our platform has a large number of passenger users, the number of active drivers is still relatively low. This imbalance becomes especially noticeable during peak times—for example, during bad weather or when it rains. At such times, demand surges as more people prefer using the app, and many are willing to pay higher fares just to reach their destination quickly. As a result, prices naturally increase in those situations. Despite many drivers working tirelessly, even around the clock, there are still not enough of them to meet the growing demand. Part of the challenge lies in limitations related to driver availability and capacity.

What safety measures does inDrive have in place to protect drivers during rides?

We’ve built important safety features into our application, including an emergency call function that allows users to quickly contact help if they ever feel unsafe during a ride. In addition, we offer fast support for such situations to ensure immediate assistance when needed. We’ve also implemented an insurance system designed to cover incidents, which provides an added layer of protection—especially for drivers. These features are part of our ongoing commitment to safety for everyone using our platform.

Is inDrive offering any kind of skill development, digital literacy, or professional training to help drivers grow beyond the platform?

We have established offices where we provide regular training sessions for drivers. These sessions cover a range of important topics, including financial education and safety practices. Additionally, we invite professionals—such as traffic officers—to conduct safety workshops and share valuable insights directly with our drivers. This hands-on approach helps ensure they are well-prepared, informed, and confident in handling real-world situations.