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For a long time, Nepali media took its audience for granted. Little to no research was done on reader profiles, content preferences, audience engagement or even on circulation research and readability research which form the backbone of effective print media.

Similarly, there has been a complete lack of audience ratings research for radio and television. In the absence of such insights, audiences were expected to consume and believe whatever content was disseminated. The result of this one-sided dynamic has been disastrous as traditional media are now struggling to retain its audience. 

In the 20th century, audiences did not have many ways to consume the news. The relationship between media and audiences was largely one-way traffic, and audience engagement was limited to occasional letters to the editor or phone calls.

Radio, television and print were used to influence and control public opinion, often pushing through specific narratives. Audiences were viewed as passive recipients of information, and media houses operated under the assumptions of the “magic bullet theory” introduced by Harold Laswell in the 20th century. This theory assumed that media messages had a direct, powerful effect on a passive audience.

Although audiences may have had grievances, they either did not have a channel to register their feedback or media houses simply ignored their feedback. In contrast, the digital era introduced the “two-step flow theory” which seeks greater audience participation, engagement and feedback. Still, the remnants of the old bullet theory persist in the Nepali media landscape, albeit in subtler forms.

In Nepal, things began to change with the advent and subsequent expansion of the internet. By early 2000, online news platforms began to emerge. Unlike traditional outlets, these platforms introduced comment sections from the outset, giving readers space to express their opinion and to engage with content. 

The internet, and the broader digitization of Nepali society, transformed the country’s media sphere. While audiences in the past had limited access to news, they are now inundated with options. More importantly, they now have direct access to primary sources such as government press releases, official documents and reports. This allows them to compare what media houses report with the original information and identify discrepancies.

Meanwhile, the exponential rise of social media began reshaping how Nepali people consumed news. Traditional media lost its monopoly over the creation and dissemination of information. Ironically, media houses themselves rushed to social platforms to share their contents, often produced with significant investment, without a clear strategy for engagement or monetization. 

At the same time, internet access expanded even to remote areas for Nepal, becoming affordable even for low-income communities. Equipped with smartphones and internet access, audiences began spending more time on platforms like Facebook and X (formerly Twitter). Global studies show that between 2008 and 2018, these platforms led to a fundamental shift in new consumption. Today, however, TikTok has overtaken both as a primary source of information for many users.

When media houses began sharing their content on social media, it eliminated the need for audiences to turn to newspapers, radio and television for news. Despite this, Nepali media was doing relatively well in terms of revenue and audience before the COVID-19 pandemic. However, once nationwide lockdowns were enforced to curb the spread, the media landscape changed dramatically. For the first time in the history of Nepali media, many print publications halted operations for days. Radio and television also reduced news production significantly. A few online platforms, despite health risks, continued delivering news.

As people remained confined to their homes, they turned to smartphones and digital platforms for information. At the same time, government agencies, private businesses and NGOs relied heavily on social media to communicate with the public. This combination of traditional media’s limited presence and the active role of digital platforms meant that audiences were able to fulfill their information needs without newspapers or TV.  In fact, during the COVID era, a significant portion of the audience shifted to social media for news consumption, especially in Nepal. By the time the pandemic subsided, traditional media had lost a last share of its readership and advertising revenue.

Despite these seismic changes, mainstream media in Nepal largely failed to recognize, or respond, to the shifting dynamics of news production, dissemination and consumption. Meanwhile, other platforms like TikTok, Instagram and YouTube, and short-form video formats gained rapid popularity. 

For far too long, media houses in Nepal took their audiences for granted. They failed to evolve with changing news consumption behaviors and technological trends. Now, they are faced with a three-fold challenge: finding ways to retain the audience, researching reader preferences and developing sustainable revenue models. This has become a do-or-die situation for the media.

But no scientific research has been conducted in Nepal to understand changing media consumption patterns. Neither regional nor international research organizations have included Nepal in their studies. However, it is evident even without formal data that audiences are consuming news via TikTok and other platforms rather than by reading newspapers and watching television stations. 

The Reuters Institute’s Digital News Report, while not focused on Nepal, offers useful insights. The report points out that an accelerating shift toward consumption via social media and video platforms is further diminishing the influence of institutional journalism and fostering a fragmented media ecosystem dominated by podcasters, YouTubers and TikTokers.

The report also states that populist politicians around the world are bypassing traditional journalism, opting instead for friendly partisan outlets and influences. These personalities often gain privileged access, but rarely ask questions. Many of them are involved in spreading disinformation. In many ways, India’s experience mirrors that of Nepal’s, the report says.

According to the Reuters study, Indian audiences show a strong preference for accessing news via smartphones and social media platforms such as YouTube (55 percent), WhatsApp (46 percent), Instagram (37 percent) and Facebook (36 percent), especially among English-speaking users. This trend likely holds true for Nepal as well.

Another global trend that is increasingly evident in Nepal is news fatigue. With decades of political instability, the media has been dominated by repetitive coverage of political wrangling, corruption and the same political figures. On the international front, conflict-heavy news continues to dominate headlines. Audiences are growing tired of this monotony; they no longer want to read or hear the same narratives year after year.

While mainstream media has played an essential role in strengthening democracy, exposing corruption and holding power accountable, it has lagged behind in offering diverse, engaging content. This has contributed to audience fatigue and disinterest.

In conclusion, media houses must rethink their strategy. They need to increase their presence on platforms where audiences are active, especially video-centric platforms like YouTube and TikTok. As gatekeepers of institutional journalism, they still possess the credibility and capacity to serve public interest, but they must listen more to what their audience wants. 

This means developing responsive content strategies, adopting audience research methods and creating sustainable digital revenue models. More importantly, it is time to actively implement Audience Engagement Theory, which emphasizes two-way communication and greater interaction with the public. If mainstream media is to stay relevant, it must stop treating its audience as passive recipients and start seeing them as active participants in the media ecosystem.

Donald Trump has said he would prefer a permanent peace agreement to end the Russia-Ukraine war over a temporary ceasefire, BBC reported.

Writing on Truth Social after leaving a meeting with Russian leader Vladimir Putin in Alaska without reaching any deal, the US president said that ceasefires "often times do not hold up".

Trump had earlier said that "great progress" was made during the meeting but "we didn't get there" when it came to a deal.

On his flight back to Washington, he held a call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who later said he would travel to Washington DC on Monday, according to BBC.

Article 94 of our Constitution states: Except as otherwise provided in this Constitution, no question or resolution shall be presented for decision in a meeting of either House of the Federal Parliament unless one-fourth of the total number of its members are present. For the members of our House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the bicameral Parliament, Aug 13 was just another day, so most of them chose to not attend the day’s meeting.

Subsequently, heeding to a request from a member of the HoR, the Speaker opted for a headcount and found only 66 members present in the 275-member chamber, short of the one-fourth of the total strength mentioned in the charter by three heads. If a request for a headcount had not come his way, would the Speaker have gone ahead with his proposal on deliberations over the Information Technology and Cybersecurity Bill?

Also, is it not the duty of the Speaker to scan the chamber, with or without a request, and see whether the required number of heads are present for discussions on matters at hand? What happened in the HoR on August 13 is nothing new, though. In the past, some big names have made their presence felt in national politics by remaining absent from HoR meetings for a record number of days. When even the stalwarts leading the nation a record number of times do not bother to ‘grace’  the parliament with their presence, there may not be much motivation for other ‘lawmakers’ to show up at the ‘talk shop’.

Also, even if the ‘lawmakers’ are physically present in the chamber, their minds appear elsewhere. A tampered Civil Service Bill making it through the chamber and reports about government plans to amend the law to legalize polygamy raise serious questions about the ‘lawmaking’ capabilities of our lawmakers.  

Besides, how many of our ‘lawmakers’ actually read draft laws, ponder over their short and long-term consequences for the country and the people, and suggest changes? How many of them opt for a vote of conscience rather than yielding to party whips? And how many even dare obstruct the House proceedings in the interest of the nation, rather than standing for powerful vested interests?

Arun Jaitley states: Parliament's job is to conduct discussions. But many a time, Parliament is used to ignoring issues, and in such situations, obstruction of Parliament is in the favour of democracy. Therefore, parliamentary obstruction is not undemocratic.

In the words of BR Ambedkar: However good a Constitution may be, if those who are implementing it are not good, it will prove to be bad. However bad a Constitution may be, if those implementing it are good, it will prove to be good. Wrapping up, the vivid image of a President paying his utmost respect to the Constitution during its promulgation in a very hard time comes to mind. Let this image frozen in time inspire our ‘lawmakers’ to take their duties as people’s representatives—and not as some overlords—more seriously. 

Following the completion of the United States’ foreign aid review under the Donald Trump administration, the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Nepal Compact has resumed work with “renewed momentum and shared commitment from both sides.”

This week, MCA Nepal signed two major contracts to advance its electricity transmission line projects. Deputy Vice-president of MCC John Wingle, who is currently visiting Nepal, has been in talks with government officials to address technical challenges, primarily related to land acquisition and forest clearance. These issues have slowed progress on transmission construction. Despite significant cuts to US foreign assistance, the Trump administration decided to continue MCC projects in Nepal, framing MCC support not as aid, but as an ‘investment to promote business growth and stability worldwide.’

In signing these contracts, Wingle reaffirmed the US commitment to shared priorities and Nepal’s development goals. “We are honored to work alongside our Nepali counterparts to improve the availability and reliability of electricity in Nepal and enhance regional power trade and integration.” From 2018 to 2022, MCC projects deeply polarized Nepali society, facing both strong support and open opposition, notably from China. Under the agreement, MCC projects must be completed within five years, but two years have already passed. Delays from the American side have raised the likelihood of deadline extensions.

In domestic politics, the Election Commission has decided that Ranjita Shrestha will remain chairperson of the Nagarik Unmukti Party, despite claims from rival leaders that she had been removed. The Commission said the rival faction failed to follow proper procedures to change the leadership. The party, founded by Resham Chaudhary, has been in turmoil over internal disputes. It has announced plans to withdraw support for the government but has yet to formally notify officials due to the ongoing feud.

Similarly, tensions within the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) escalated this week. On Aug 13, a clash broke out in Kathmandu between supporters of party chair Rajendra Lingden and those of his rival, Dhawal Shumsher Rana. The Rana faction has been openly criticizing Lingden ahead of the party’s upcoming general convention and is reportedly creating parallel structures nationwide, deepening internal divisions. Earlier this year, the RPP organized protests in Kathmandu and other districts calling for the restoration of monarchy.

The CPN (Unified Socialist) also faced internal strife after former Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal declared that the party’s split was a mistake and urged Chairman Madhav Kumar Nepal to step down. Following discussions, both leaders have agreed to minimize their differences and refrain from public criticism in line with party statutes.

Meanwhile, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) Chairman Rabi Lamichhane’s attempt to secure release from judicial custody failed after the court denied bail. In his absence, the party remains embroiled in controversy and continues to obstruct Parliament over the visit visa scam. Lamichhane has requested to be transferred to Kathmandu, but the government has not acted despite a court clearance.

Inside the Nepali Congress (NC), efforts are underway to unseat Sher Bahadur Deuba as parliamentary party leader, led by Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Kumar Thapa. However, they lack the sufficient number of lawmakers supporting the proposition. This week, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli said a senior NC leader privately confirmed the shortfall and reiterated his belief that the current coalition will continue until the 2027 national elections.

The NC has, however, resolved a dispute in Bagmati Province. Chief Minister Indra Bahadur Baniya secured a confidence vote after Deuba persuaded Bahadur Singh Lama to support him, reportedly promising ministerial positions to Lama’s allies.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has continued low-profile political activities despite her party rescinding her membership. Reports suggest she is preparing to open a contact office to formalize her engagements. For years, she has used the Madan Bhandari Foundation as a platform, which prompted Prime Minister Oli to criticize its activities this week. Many leaders once close to Bhandari are now distancing themselves, fearing disciplinary action.

The CPN-UML is preparing for its statute convention, where key outcomes are already expected — no 70-year age limit and no two-term leadership cap. Next year’s leadership selection convention is anticipated to endorse Oli’s continuation. Party leaders have compared Oli’s leadership ambitions to those of India’s Narendra Modi and China’s Xi Jinping.

In the CPN (Maoist Center), Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal indicated no imminent change in government, saying there were no plans to form or join a new coalition. Prime Minister Oli suggested Dahal made the statement after failing to alter the current alliance.

Beyond party politics, Ramhari Khatiwada, chair of the State Affairs and Good Governance Committee of Parliament, resigned this week, stating he had always served as an honest representative. He told the House session on Tuesday that he returned his official vehicle and benefits the day an error in the Civil Service Bill’s “cooling-off period” provision came to light.

Prominent Madhesi leader Anil Kumar Jha left the Loktantrik Samajbadi Party led by Mahanta Thakur and revived the Nepal Sadbhawana Party. In a separate development, the Nepal government endorsed the country’s first National Artificial Intelligence Policy (2025). The US, India and China have expressed interest in supporting Nepal’s AI initiatives, though governance frameworks are still being developed.

In the Madhes Province, monsoon rains have finally arrived, ending a prolonged drought and accelerating paddy transplantation. According to the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development, planting has been completed on 77 percent of paddy fields in eight districts and could reach 80 percent this year. Officials warn, however, that delayed planting may reduce productivity.

Nepal has also waived climbing fees for 97 lesser-known mountains, ranging from 5,870 to 7,132 meters, located in Karnali and Sudurpaschim provinces. The move aims to attract climbers to new destinations, boost local economies and diversify Nepal’s mountaineering offerings.