Submit your Article

The CPN-UML has stated that the issue of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s party membership renewal has become ‘automatically inactive’. Speaking at a press conference held at the party’s central office in Chyasal on Wednesday, UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

“We decided that the ex-president should not return to politics. So, the issue of renewing her membership in her party is no longer relevant. We have shelved it,” Pokharel said. He said that Bhandari had submitted her membership renewal application and fee a year ago, but the matter was not disclosed but was kept secret until the internal debate took place. It became known only after Bhandari herself disclosed it.

“Since her honored previous position, it was viewed as a delicate issue. We did not wish to expose it without due deliberation. But as she publicly disclosed it, the party was forced to react,” Pokharel explained.

The UML has also contended that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. The party contends that Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, after retirement. “The Nepali democratic system envisions the President as a constitutional, not an executive head. So, returning to party politics after serving as President cheapens the office,” wrote a UML release.

The statement pointed out that Bhandari is a highly respected figure in Nepali politics and had behaved with dignity—both as a party member and as the President. She was even honored during UML’s Diamond Jubilee as a ‘Pride of the Republic’. But, citing constitutional values and precedence, the party concluded that allowing an ex-president to engage in partisan politics would cast doubt on their previous decisions and impartiality.

At the same time, General Secretary Pokharel claimed that the UML has not excluded anyone from running for leadership in the coming party convention. In reply to the rumors that recent amendments of the statutes—removing two-term and age-70 limitations—were made so as to provide KP Sharma Oli with uncontested leadership, Pokharel claimed the amendments were debated from an institutional point of view. “Anyone who fulfills the party’s requirements can run.” “The offer is open and democratic,” he said, adding that most members of the Central Committee consider Oli to be the most suitable to take the party through the next general elections.

The party’s ninth Central Committee meeting had concluded late Tuesday night after passing eight resolutions. The debate over Bhandari’s political role took up much of the meeting, and a minimal dissent was voiced. However, Oli concluded the meeting by announcing that Bhandari’s party membership issue had not been endorsed. The UML leaders warned that allowing a former president to return to party politics could set a negative precedent, potentially politicizing the constitutional office of the President.

Nepal, a landlocked nation characterized by its rugged mountainous terrain, faces significant challenges in maintaining reliable transportation networks, particularly during the monsoon season. The annual monsoon, typically spanning June to September, brings torrential rainfall, landslides, and flooding, which severely disrupt road connectivity across the country. Major highways, such as the Tribhuvan, Prithvi, and Araniko, frequently become impassable, isolating communities and disrupting the supply of essential goods. The Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway, a 42-km cargo transport system operational from 1964 to 1994, offers a proven solution to these challenges. Reviving this ropeway is imperative to ensure resilient, cost-effective, and environmentally sustainable transportation in Nepal, especially during the monsoon season.

Monsoon disruptions and highway vulnerabilities

Nepal’s highways are critical arteries for trade, tourism, and daily commuting, yet they are highly vulnerable to monsoon-related disasters. In Sept 2024, torrential rainfall—the heaviest since 1970—caused widespread flooding and landslides, blocking 37 highways and damaging 25 bridges across the country. The Bagmati River in Kathmandu rose two meters above its safe level, flooding the capital and disrupting key road networks. The Narayanghat-Mugling section of the Prithvi Highway, a vital link between Kathmandu and the Terai region, is frequently obstructed by landslides during the monsoon, delaying commerce and impacting the economy. Similarly, the Araniko Highway, connecting Nepal to China, and the Pasang Lhamu Highway have faced closures due to floods and landslides, exacerbating trade disruptions.  These disruptions have significant economic and social consequences. In 2024, floods displaced thousands, destroyed infrastructure, and caused over 224 deaths, with 37 in Kathmandu alone.

Historical significance of Hetauda-Kathmandu ropeway

The Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway, originally built in 1922 by Chandra Shumsher Rana as a 22-km cargo system from Dhorsing to Kathmandu, was extended to 42 km in 1964 with support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). During its peak, it operated for 10 hours daily, transporting 220 tonnes of goods—equivalent to 24 truckloads—at half the cost of road transport. The ropeway proved its utility during crises, such as the 1993 floods and the 1988-89 Indian blockade, when highways were impassable. However, institutional mismanagement, underutilization, and a policy shift prioritizing roads led to its closure in 1994. Today, its rusting towers stand as a reminder of a missed opportunity to leverage Nepal’s topography for sustainable transport.

Why revive Hetauda-Kathmandu ropeway?

Reviving the Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway offers multiple benefits, particularly in addressing monsoon-related transportation challenges.

• Resilience against monsoon disruptions

Unlike highways, ropeways are minimally affected by floods and landslides. Requiring only towers and stations, they occupy little ground space and avoid the need for extensive road construction in landslide-prone areas. The 1993 floods demonstrated the ropeway’s ability to maintain supply chains when highways failed. Reviving the ropeway would ensure year-round connectivity, especially during the monsoon, safeguarding the supply of essential goods to Kathmandu.

• Cost-effectiveness

Studies indicate that building ropeways is six times cheaper than constructing roads in Nepal’s hilly terrain. The Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway cost half as much as the Tribhuvan Highway to build, and its operational costs were significantly lower, with goods transported at Rs 346.80 per ton compared to Rs 480 by trucks. Additionally, gravity goods ropeways (GGRs), which use the terrain’s natural undulation, cost approximately Rs 2 million per kilometer to build and can reduce transportation costs by 70 percent, as shown by Practical Action Nepal’s projects.

• Environmental sustainability

Nepal’s road-building boom has caused significant environmental damage, including deforestation, soil erosion, and habitat loss. Unplanned road construction exacerbates landslides, as seen in the Narayanghat-Mugling section, where gully erosion and unengineered slopes have triggered disasters. Ropeways, by contrast, have a minimal environmental footprint, requiring less land alteration and preserving fragile ecosystems. With Nepal’s growing hydropower capacity, electrically operated ropeways align with the country’s clean energy goals, reducing reliance on fossil fuel-based transport.

• Economic and social benefits

The ropeway can boost rural economies by connecting remote settlements to markets. Practical Action Nepal’s gravity ropeways have doubled cash crop production within two years and saved over 100 person-days of travel time per household annually. Reviving the Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway could similarly enhance trade from the Terai to Kathmandu, particularly for goods from the Birgunj dry port to the Chobhar dry port. This would reduce economic losses from highway disruptions during festivals like Dashain and Tihar, when demand for goods peaks.

• Alignment with modern infrastructure needs

The Investment Board Nepal (IBN) has been studying the revival of the Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway since 2017 to transport goods from Birgunj to Chobhar. With the Chobhar inland container depot (ICD) under construction as part of the Nepal-India Regional Trade and Transport Project, the ropeway could serve as a vital link, keeping cargo vehicles out of Kathmandu and reducing urban congestion. A modernized ropeway could also integrate with Nepal’s growing tourism sector, complementing cable car projects like those in Chandragiri and Manakamana.

Challenges and solutions

Reviving the Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway involves several challenges. The high initial investment, need for technical upgrades, and bureaucratic delays pose significant obstacles. The original infrastructure, unused for over two decades, is irreparable, requiring entirely new construction. To address these issues, public-private partnerships (PPPs) can be utilized, drawing on private sector expertise as demonstrated by the successful Manakamana Cable Car project. The Ninth Five-Year Plan’s emphasis on private sector involvement in ropeways provides a replicable model. Additionally, international support from organizations like the World Bank, which funds the Chobhar Inland Container Depot, or technical assistance from countries like Switzerland, renowned for ropeway expertise, can help overcome financial and technical barriers. Furthermore, conducting comprehensive geological and environmental impact assessments, as advised for ropeways in the fragile Himalayan ecosystem, will ensure sustainable development and reduce risks, such as those observed during the 1999 monsoon flooding caused by a poorly planned ropeway.

Policy recommendations

To revive the Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway, the government should implement several policy measures. First, transportation policy should prioritize ropeways over road-centric approaches, as the World Bank’s 1976 Nepal Country Report noted the high cost of road construction in mountainous terrain. Second, the Investment Board Nepal (IBN) should accelerate technical feasibility studies to evaluate the ropeway’s suitability for heavy cargo transport, ensuring integration with the Chobhar Inland Container Depot (ICD) project. Third, private sector participation should be encouraged through tax incentives and streamlined approval processes to support ropeway development. Fourth, Nepal’s hydropower capacity should be leveraged to power ropeways, lowering operational costs and environmental impact. Finally, public awareness campaigns should highlight the ropeway’s resilience, cost-effectiveness, and environmental benefits to promote its adoption.

Conclusion

The Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway, once a lifeline for Nepal’s capital, holds immense potential to address the country’s transportation challenges during the monsoon season. Its revival would ensure resilient supply chains, reduce economic losses, and minimize environmental damage compared to road-based transport. By learning from past successes, such as the ropeway’s role in the 1993 floods, and addressing modern infrastructure needs, Nepal can build a sustainable transport system that complements its rugged topography. With coordinated efforts from the government, private sector, and international partners, the revival of the Hetauda-Kathmandu Ropeway can pave the way for a more connected and resilient Nepal.

The discord between CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli and former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has further escalated, with both remaining adamant in their respective positions.

Prime Minister Oli and a majority of leaders in the party’s Central Committee (CC) believe that a former head of state should not return to active party politics. However, Bhandari has shown no signs of heeding the suggestions from Oli, UML leaders, or even opposition parties. A day after Oli instructed the CC members not to act as a ‘spokesperson’ for the former president, Bhandari warned against attempts to ‘terrorize’ her supporters. Speaking to a group of journalists, she reiterated her return to UML politics and firmly stated that she would not back down.

Whether out of deference to Oli or genuine concern, most CC members have echoed the view that a former president re-entering active politics would have negative implications for the nascent republic. Only a few leaders spoke in her favor during the CC meeting, and even they refrained from explicitly endorsing her political comeback. Meanwhile, most CC leaders have rallied behind Oli’s bid to lead the party for a third consecutive term at the upcoming general convention. To facilitate this, the UML is preparing to amend its statute at the upcoming statute convention. Some party leaders have even suggested that the ongoing CC meeting should unanimously propose Oli as party chair for the next five years.

A one-on-one meeting between Oli and Bhandari on Sunday failed to narrow the rift; instead, it appears to have widened it further. Outside the UML as well, the political environment remains largely unfavorable for Bhandari’s return. The largest party, Nepali Congress, has reiterated its stance that former presidents should refrain from active politics. “We have a clear position that the former president should not engage in active politics,” said NC leader Gopal Man Shrestha.

The main opposition, CPN (Maoist Center), has not taken a clear position, partly due to its own moral quandary, as former Vice President Nanda Kishwor Pun has already joined the party, ignoring similar objections about returning to active politics. Speaking from her private residence, Bhandari made it clear that there is no turning back. Oli and Bhandari have long shared a cordial relationship. Oli played a key role in securing her presidency in 2015.

At that time, there had been intense debate within the UML over the party's presidential nominee. Senior leaders like Madhav Kumar Nepal supported Jhala Nath Khanal or Astha Laxmi Shakya, but Oli stood firmly behind Bhandari. During her tenure, Bhandari and Oli maintained a close working relationship, with Bhandari often criticized for approving Oli’s decisions, including the controversial dissolution of Parliament, without any scrutiny. 

Tensions began to surface when Bhandari publicly expressed her intent to return to active politics. Initially, Oli did not oppose her. However, in her Nepali New Year message, Bhandari hinted at the need to review the party's current leadership, an indirect challenge to Oli’s position. This statement was widely interpreted as a signal that she aimed to displace Oli.

Despite the tension, the two leaders continued to meet regularly, either at Baluwatar or at Bhandari’s residence. In June, Bhandari visited China for a week, and the two met both before and after the trip. Her supporters claimed that China sees Bhandari as a future leader of the UML, potentially uniting the broader left. According to Bhandari, she had informed Oli of her intention to return to politics even while serving as president.

Relations soured further after Bhandari declared in an interview last week that she wishes to lead the party. In response, Oli reminded her that her party membership renewal is still pending. Bhandari had relinquished her UML membership after becoming president in 2015, upholding the principle that the head of state should remain impartial.

After her term ended in 2022, Bhandari submitted an application to renew her party membership. She claims to have done so six months after leaving office, and at the time, no UML leaders raised objections. However, party leaders now argue that the issue is political rather than technical. It remains unclear how the UML will resolve the matter of Bhandari’s return to active politics.

Have you ever wondered what it would be like to have another mind operating our current one, or to playfully place our mind somewhere “outside” the body for a while? This line of thought carries a profound implication: how can we detach the mind from the body? In some traditions, this “outside” is described as “Universal Consciousness.” But keeping the mind at ease doesn’t necessarily require abandoning the body.

Now, you might ask: if the mind has been removed from the body, how can it be brought back? And then wonder wouldn’t it be easier if there were yet another mind to govern this second mind? If such questions frequently arise in you, it may indicate a deeper quest: the search for awareness or higher consciousness.

It’s widely accepted that we do, in fact, possess a second mind to oversee the first—what we call “consciousness.” Beyond this, there is yet another level of mind, often termed “super consciousness.” If our mental consciousness is but a small component of the vast “Universal Consciousness,” then your original idea—of placing the mind into the “Cosmic Mind” and drawing from it as needed—may reflect a deep metaphysical truth.

I’ve had similar thoughts since childhood. And now, after years of teaching, research, reading, and writing, I find myself fully immersed in mindfulness and Vipassana meditation. With that practice has come a sense of urgency to express these reflections. Whatever we have accomplished in terms of development, innovation, and civilization stems from our mind, especially its rational faculties. Yet the mind has also been misunderstood by many and has become a burden for nearly one-third of the global population. One in three people suffer from unhealthy stress, and one in six children live with the trauma of war.

Even today, many including spiritual gurus harbor misperceptions about the nature of the mind. Some assert that the mind’s nature is to “ruminate on the past” or “project into the future.” But the true nature of the mind, perhaps, is to dwell in the present. The mind longs to be present and to act in the present. It is our thoughts, especially those that are conditioned or manipulated, that propel the mind into anxiety or fantasy.

Widespread confusion also exists around the mind-brain relationship. Many people equate the brain with the mind. Even neuroscience is still ambiguous on this matter. Western paradigms often misconstrue the nature of the mind. While the brain may be studied in a lab, the mind must be observed within oneself. You cannot understand the mind through brain scans or mouse experiments alone; you must observe your own mind with deep awareness.

More than 2,500 years ago, the Buddha explored the nature of mind, describing it as a process composed of consciousness (viññāṇa), perception (saññā), sensation (vedanā), and reaction (saṅkhāra). Later Buddhist teachings expanded on this, describing “chitta” (mind) as encompassing sense perception, thought (verbal and abstract), emotions, joy and sorrow, attention, concentration, and intelligence.

Some spiritual traditions argue that the subjective mind and objective brain are interdependent, linked by the “nature” and “culture” of information processing and neural activity.

But where does the mind come from? What are its components? How does it function? While you may examine your own mind, can you truly observe someone else’s? Neuroscientist Antonio Damasio poses two vital questions: “How does the brain construct a mind?” and “How does it make that mind conscious?”

Current understandings may still fall short of explaining the complexity of the mind-brain connection. That’s why I encourage you to observe your own mind with careful awareness before accepting external theories.

A thorough understanding of how your mind works—what it prefers, what it resists—can resolve nearly half your life’s problems. All human minds attempt to discern right from wrong. Some are more aware, others less so. Unaware minds struggle to confront their mistaken beliefs, which leads them to generate even more distorted thoughts. This creates a web of negativity—a feedback loop that becomes hard to escape.

In such cases, the mind lashes out, blames others, and becomes abusive. The brain, under such conditions, starts to release harmful chemicals, weakening both mind and body. Yet, escape from this toxic cycle is possible with passion, patience, perseverance, and a deepening awareness.

Buddhist teachings say: one who realizes that negative thoughts harm the heart will only understand that positive thoughts bring joy once the curtain of consciousness is lifted. How often do you feel angry with yourself or others? Anger, after all, is a symptom of a weakened and mistaken mental state.

Those with weaker mental states often harbor malicious thoughts, criticize harshly, and express themselves through anger, aggression, and suppression. Buddha said that those who harbor anger toward themselves and others are incapable of loving themselves. They suffer deeply—mentally, emotionally, psychologically, and eventually physically.

Many of you reading this may have experienced rude or uncivil behavior from teachers, bosses, elders, or partners, whether in academic, professional, or personal life. These interactions may still be sapping your energy, attention, and enthusiasm. I, too, have faced such moments in my life. And at times, I may have also behaved unconsciously. For this, I offer my humble acknowledgment.

Christine Porath, in Mastering Civility: A Manifesto for the Workplace, highlights how incivility at work and in schools is eroding our emotional well-being and weakening human connection—threatening both present vitality and future prosperity. Unfortunately, South Asia’s spiritual marketplace isn’t immune to illusion either. Some self-proclaimed gurus, adorned in dyed hair and beards, glistening with makeup, preach mantras like “Accept the Self” or “Know Yourself,” even though they may not understand their own minds. Still, crowds gather, wash their feet, and revere them as deities.

But “accepting the self” means embracing who you truly are—not who you appear to be after layers of cosmetic manipulation. If you manipulate your appearance, your thoughts and mind are manipulated as well. A manipulated mind can hardly understand or meet the authentic self, let alone attain true awareness. Have you ever felt your mind or body being manipulated, or sensed a thought not your own entering your awareness? In subtle ways, we often receive thoughts as sensory messages. During challenging times, whether in professional, academic, or personal life, the way you manage your thoughts, emotions, and intelligence will shape your growth.

Ultimately, the only person who can truly uplift you selflessly is you. Others may exploit, control, mock, or drain you. But as they grow weaker, your resilience strengthens. Their mental fragility is the root of their negativity.

Emotions and consciousness, or unconsciousness, have deeply shaped world politics too. From the Westphalian order to World Wars, from the Cold War to 9/11 and beyond, mistaken or unregulated minds have played a role. The rise and fall of empires, the unpredictability of leaders like Donald Trump, and today’s global chaos may be less about rational statecraft and more about emotional dysfunction.

Wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and other regions reflect not just geopolitical rivalry but possibly the actions of minds clouded by hatred and fear, not balanced reasoning. While nations are not inherently enemies, statesmen, influenced by negative emotions, become antagonists. Realists often act out of fear and hate, while constructivists might lean on empathy and rationality.

India and Pakistan, for instance, have sometimes managed to de-escalate tensions with measured restraint. Meanwhile, powers like Israel and the US seem to navigate deterrence through over-rationalized emotions, which is perhaps the product of cognitive bias. Today’s belligerent global climate, from Iran to Taiwan, may be more a product of mistaken minds than deliberate balance between soft and hard power.