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Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has once again stated his claim that Lord Ram was born in Nepal and made another new claim—that Lord Shiva could have been of the Chamling community from eastern Nepal.

Speaking at a national seminar on ‘Tourism in Nepal: Status, Challenges and Possibilities’ by CPN-UML’s Tourism Department at Kathmandu on Monday, Oli called for greater trust in selling Nepal as the birthplace of such revered spiritual figures as Ram and Shiva. “We keep talking a lot about how to develop tourism but don’t have the courage to say that Ram was born in Nepal,” Oli stated. “Why would we let people say he was born somewhere else by just making up things? We shouldn’t be afraid to speak the truth just because others would get angry.”

Repeating what he had said before, Oli said that Lord Ram was born in Thori, Madi area of Chitwan, which is currently a part of Nepal. “I am not saying it was Nepal then, but today the land is in Nepal. Whether it was a Tharu settlement or something else at that time, we have to accept the present situation,” he said.

He criticized the reluctance of Nepalis to assert such things, reasoning that fear of controversy should not stifle facts. “If speaking the truth makes you angry, then what are we living for?” he questioned. “We can’t even assert Ram was born here. That shows how afraid we have become.”

Oli also suggested Lord Shiva might have been a Chamling boy, referring to the sacred caves of Halesi in eastern Nepal that are connected to Shiva and are located in a region normally inhabited by Chamling people.

“Sometimes I wonder if perhaps Shiva might have been Chamling. The caves we call Halesi, where it’s believed that Shiva meditated, are located around the Chamling community. Perhaps he was Chamling,” Oli said. “But I’m not claiming anything—just making an educated guess. Through the years, different histories may have converged, but geography doesn’t alter.”

He also said that other great religious personalities like Vedvyas, Kapil Muni and Gautam Buddha were born in Nepal. Quoting the Valmiki Ramayan, he said sage Vishwamitra taught Ram and Lakshman west of the Koshi river, which means the incident took place within what is today’s Nepal. “I did not write the Ramayan—it explicitly states that Vishwamitra went across the Koshi and taught Ram and Lakshman. It is also obvious that Vishwamitra was from Chatara,” he stated.

Oli’s remarks are part of a broader initiative to try to put Nepal on the map as a nation of extreme historical and spiritual significance, though his statements continue to receive praise and criticism in equal measure. While some appreciate his attempts to unveil Nepal’s ancient heritage, others fault the historic validity and political motive behind doing so.

While these remarks may appeal to Oli’s nationalist base, they are likely to provoke unease in India, where Lord Ram and Shiva are deeply revered and closely tied to cultural identity. His comments could complicate his efforts to improve bilateral ties and may jeopardize his official visit to India which was supposed to happen soon, diplomatic sources suggest.

Oli’s statements echo similar claims made during his earlier term as prime minister, when he said Ram was not born in Ayodhya, India, but in Chitwan. That assertion had drawn sharp responses from Indian media and political circles.

In recent years, traditional media houses across the globe have resorted to layoffs as a last-ditch effort to stay afloat; if not for the long term, then at least for a few more years. This wave of downsizing began during the Covid-19 crisis and has yet to subside.

Media organizations are now restructuring into smaller, smarter and more agile newsrooms to cut costs. They are grappling with a severe financial crisis as conventional revenue streams dry up and new ones are slow to emerge. Nepal is no exception to this trend. To reduce expenses, many media houses are working to merge operations across print, radio, television and digital platforms into unified newsrooms. The only seemingly viable, though not well-thought-out option has been to scale down operations to match dwindling revenues. 

In this context, a wide range of Artificial Intelligence (AI) tools could prove to be a boon for the fragile media landscape, potentially helping to fill gaps left by staff reductions. However, before embracing AI more broadly, it is crucial for media houses to formulate clear policies to ensure its ethical, transparent and effective use.

While some media houses have already started using AI tools, their applications remain minimal and largely unregulated. It is high time media houses moved decisively, from the Gutenberg-era newsroom to an AI-equipped, high-tech newsroom. A key first step in this transition is to provide training for journalists and collaborate with technology companies to develop customized newsroom tools. While the adoption of AI is not without costs, it can be a cost-effective alternative in the long run, gradually replacing outdated editorial structures.

At present, AI use in Nepal’s newsrooms is limited to individual journalists. Many AI-generated, translated or edited texts are published without any editorial supervision. While no comprehensive study has been conducted to assess the use of AI in Nepali newsrooms so far, a recent survey by Rajiv Timalsina, a student of Kantipur City College, provides some insights. According to the survey, 38 percent of journalists use AI tools for transcription tasks such as documenting interviews. Around 22 percent use them for fact-checking through platforms like Google Fact Check or image verification engines, while only 18 percent use audience analytics tools to understand reader behavior.

The next step after introducing AI tools is to train employees to use them effectively, particularly to improve the quality of writing and editing. Currently, there is a lack of trained human resources in the newsroom, and local journalists are still in the early stages of AI adoption.  While some non-governmental organizations have begun offering training, there has been little to no institutional collaborations.

Media houses must establish dedicated AI departments and AI editors to provide proper insight and guidance. Without this, the unchecked use of AI could lead to serious problems. If possible, Nepali media should also seek collaboration with international media organizations to learn from their experiences, though even global media outlets are still experimenting with AI integration.

In 2024, The New York Times publicly released a document outlining its approach to AI in the newsroom. The US media company said it does not use AI to write news or articles. It said it uses AI in three main ways: as a tool in the service of its journalistic mission, under human guidance and review and transparent use. Compared to other international media outlets, it has adopted a more cautious stance on AI use, maintaining that human creativity remains central to content creation.

In 2023, The Financial Times appointed Madhumita Murgia as its first AI editor. The following year, The New York Times rolled out its first generative AI features for subscribers. The same year, The Washington Post launched “Ask the Post AI”, which it described as a generative AI tool leveraging the publication’s deeply-sourced, fact-based journalism to deliver summary answers and curated results directly to users. 

In neighboring India, The Hindustan Times joined the AI race in 2024, establishing a 15-member team to work on GenAI-based initiatives such as news bots, personalization, audience engagement, monetization and subscription strategies. 

In Nepal, while journalists have begun using publicly-available AI tools, institutional adoption remains limited. However, some media outlets have started integrating AI technologies in various ways, from digital news readers to audio transcription, translation, image and text generation, and even news writing.

Providing summaries alongside news articles, with editorial endorsement, is a growing global trend. Onlinekhabar is among the Nepali media following this trend. Annapurna Post has also taken help of AI for its digital reader tool.  However, some news outlets, which lack strong editorial oversight, are publishing AI-generated summaries that are flawed or misleading.

With the use of AI at the individual level growing, media houses must ensure that AI is used responsibly and ethically. This is necessary both to maintain editorial integrity and to earn people’s trust. With strategic investment and collaboration with tech companies, AI could unlock new opportunities for Nepali media houses. 

AI tools can help summarize news stories, but editors must have the final say. The New York Times’ own experience shows that AI-generated summaries often fail to fully capture the nuances of original articles. Many believe that human-written summaries are still superior. Despite this, the US media company’s AI team has been refining its tools, acknowledging that while AI is not perfect, it can still help free up editorial staff for other important tasks. 

With the right human guidance, generative AI can also be used to create visuals to accompany new stories. Some Nepali media houses have started using AI-generated images, but these are only accurate when journalists provide detailed guidance. Otherwise, there is a risk of misrepresentation and factual inaccuracies. 

Resource constraints have long prevented Nepal media from producing investigative, analytical and in-depth news stories. AI could help bridge this gap. It can assist in scanning documents, analyzing data and identifying leads for investigative reports. These are the tasks that journalists often struggle to manage under tight deadlines. AI can also support wider and more efficient coverage by translating news into multiple languages to reach broader audiences. Some outlets in Nepal have already begun experimenting with this approach.

AI tools can be used to support news writing and editing. However, this should always be done under direct editorial supervision. These tools are best used to prepare preliminary drafts. For journalists, AI can help identify trending topics, suggest potential sources, summarize lengthy documents, conduct background checks and even engage audiences more effectively.

While investing in AI infrastructure may place an additional financial burden on media houses in the short term, it could prove vital to their long-term survival. On one hand, AI can significantly enhance the quality and efficiency of news production; on the other, a compact AI-powered newsroom can help reduce human resource costs. Compared to other countries, Nepali media remain behind in adopting technology. But the use of AI in newsrooms is no longer a distant possibility, it is a present-day reality.  The question is not whether to use AI, but how to use it effectively to harness its benefits.

Nepali Congress (NC) leaders have voiced serious concerns that chronic factionalism, dysfunctional party structures, intra-party betrayal and a lack of clarity over electoral alliances could severely hurt the party’s performance in the 2027 national elections.

During the ongoing Central Working Committee (CWC) meeting, several leaders urged the party leadership to begin preparations for the upcoming elections. These concerns have intensified in light of CPN-UML’s aggressive ‘Mission 2084’ campaign, launched shortly after the last election, and the CPN (Maoist Center)’s continued grassroots mobilization since 2024.

Senior NC leader Narayan Prakash Saud criticized the party’s inaction. “On the one hand, our organizations are becoming obsolete, and on the other, we are alienating parties that have historically supported us. There are clear signs we will receive fewer votes than we did in the previous elections,” Saud warned during the CWC meeting.

CWC member Dila Sangraula questioned the party’s readiness to contest elections without any alliances. “What preparations have been made so far?” she asked. “If we contest alone, will we win 70–80 seats under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system—or just 25–30? Let’s think seriously.” In 2017, when NC fought the elections alone, it managed to secure just 23 FPTP seats while the UML-Maoist alliance dominated.

The party now finds itself in a precarious position. On one hand, grassroots cadres are pressuring the leadership not to form an alliance with the Maoists due to past tensions. On the other hand, should the UML and Maoists realign, NC fears a repeat of the 2017 defeat. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba is in favor of forming an electoral alliance, while other senior leaders remain divided and inconsistent in their views. The ongoing CWC meeting has exposed a sharp internal rift over this issue.

Intra-party betrayal remains a key challenge. In 2022, several leaders backed by senior figures defied the official party line by fielding rival candidates. Now, the party is debating whether to take disciplinary action against them. Senior leader Shekhar Koirala has called for amnesty for these candidates. Meanwhile, the NC’s Disciplinary Committee, led by Ananda Dhungana, has received 21 complaints, most related to internal betrayal.

Some leaders also flagged growing public frustration with major political parties, including NC, which could significantly impact the 2027 outcome. They fear not only swing voters but also core supporters may turn to emerging political forces. However, senior leaders have dismissed this concern, arguing that traditional parties still enjoy broad support and are merely victims of a systematic smear campaign.

At the meeting, Sangraula pointed out that more than 80 percent of the public is dissatisfied with mainstream political parties, including NC. “Based on our conversations with local leaders and cadres,” she said, “the frustration we sense on the ground could prove disastrous for us in the next elections.”

Due to ongoing factional disputes, NC has long failed to hold general conventions for its sister organizations. Senior leader Shashank Koirala proposed amending the constitution to replace “secularism” with “religious freedom,” a long-standing demand of him.

He also called for a review of the mixed electoral system—FPTP and proportional representation (PR)—introduced in 2008. “This system prevents any single party from gaining a majority,” he argued, suggesting instead that all members of the House of Representatives (HoR) be elected through FPTP and the National Assembly through PR.

Senior leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula raised concerns over the judiciary, referring to the recent Supreme Court verdict on constitutional appointments made four years ago. “The Chief Justice was in the minority despite the constitution clearly stating the verdict must be delivered under the Chief Justice’s leadership,” he said. “It’s time we review how our courts function, from the district level to the Supreme Court.”

Party spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat said NC joined the coalition government with the expectation of having at least 50 percent influence. “It’s a coalition government, which makes it difficult to either stay or exit. But if we stay, our ministers must perform better than those from other parties.” Meanwhile, internal debates continue over whether the party’s general convention should be held before or after the 2027 elections.

Let me start by admitting that I found Rajkummar Rao a little strange as an actor (meaning I thought he wasn’t really actor material as he didn’t look very appealing on screen). So I didn’t watch his films until Covid-19 lockdowns happened and we were stuck at home with our evenings pretty much free. Then, on a friend’s recommendation, I watched a few of his movies like ‘Shaadi Mein Zaroor Aana’, ‘Trapped’ and ‘Stree’. There was no doubt that he was a phenomenal actor who portrayed the characters he played with conviction and courage.

The three films I watched were all different from one another; one was a romance, another was a thriller, while Stree was a horror-comedy. The films worked because of Rao’s stellar acting and convincing character portrayal. All three movies have over seven ratings on IMDb. Over time, as I watched his other works like ‘Hit’, ‘Citylights’, ‘Roohi’, ‘Mr and Mrs Mahi’, and ‘Badhaai Do’, I started associating him with someone who only does selective but good work and shines in all his roles.

But Rao, in the last few years, has been doing the same kind of roles back-to-back and it’s getting a little annoying now. I understand that most actors are typecast into a specific kind of role. But Rao is doing himself a disservice by playing a useless, lovestruck, small-town guy who has nothing going for him. He doesn’t come across as charming and irresistible as he’s supposed to. Rather, you pity him and sometimes even want to slap him.

His latest movie ‘Bhool Chuk Maaf’ that released this year is another disaster. The movie is available on Amazon Prime but I insist you give it a miss if you don’t want to suffer a headache. I attribute my headache after watching the movie to the countless times I must have rolled my eyes at Rao’s weird antics and painful acting. It takes a lot of effort to make a movie and I don’t want to say bad things but Bhool Chuk Maaf was a rehash of many different rom-coms we have all watched (and become a little bored of by now).

Ranjan Tiwari (Rao) is a small-town boy from Banaras, India, who is in love with Titli (Wamiqa Gabbi) but Titli’s father doesn’t approve of Ranjan. As someone who doesn’t have a stable job, he thinks Ranjan won’t be able to provide for his family. He agrees to let Titli marry Ranjan on one condition—that he find himself a government job in two months. Unable to get through multiple exams, Ranjan turns to Lord Shiva. Ranjan lands a job but gets stuck in a time loop when he forgets to fulfill his vow.

The plot has potential. It was marketed as a ‘high concept’ comedy. While I have read books where characters have been stuck in time loops, I hadn’t come across a Bollywood movie that explores this entertaining albeit frustrating concept. Had it been better executed and supported by strong acting by the main character, the movie wouldn’t have been such a bore. Gabbi shines in her role as does Sanjay Mishra who plays Bhagwan Das, the agent commissioned to find Ranjan a job. But Rao is at the center of the story and even with great support from the rest of the cast, he isn’t able to keep you hooked.

You feel like you have seen this movie before because you have watched Rao in similar roles in quite a few movies in the past. His role in Bhool Chuk Maaf is reminiscent of his roles in Stree, ‘Vicky Vidya ka Woh Wala Video’, ‘Chalaang’, Mr and Mrs Mahi and a few others that I’m forgetting at the moment. In each of these movies, he’s been reduced to a hapless person who can’t seem to fix his life. He’s a man child who always seems to get girls way out of his league. At least in the movies I have mentioned, his acting was convincing. In Bhool Chuk Maaf, Rao looks bored and disinterested.

The songs are ridiculous to say the least and Rao, who I thought was a decent dancer, makes jerky body movements and strange facial expressions. It was actually difficult to watch. Worse, the tracks also don’t fit seamlessly into the plot and just make the movie drag on pointlessly. I don’t remember the last time I watched a Bollywood flick and didn’t enjoy the choreography. But Bhool Chuk Maaf’s main fault definitely lies in its unconvincing characterization. It’s almost like Rao stepped into this movie from one of his previous movies and just found a new love interest. I hope Rao  chooses better scripts and steps away from rom-coms that make him seem like a loser and finally lives up to the potential he showed during his early days in the Hindi film industry.