Submit your Article

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has rejoined the CPN-UML, marking a significant development in Nepal’s political landscape. She confirmed that she had renewed her party membership, which she had relinquished after assuming the presidency following the promulgation of the 2015 constitution. For a long time, there had been confusing and contradictory messages regarding her membership status.

Speaking at an event organized by the Madan Bhandari Foundation, she declared: “Now I am reunited with the UML as a member of this family, and I feel proud of this.” Her announcement comes close on the heels of a high-profile visit to China and a series of nationwide tours aimed at reconnecting with party cadres.

Bhandari’s political resurgence has stirred unease within the UML, particularly among Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and his close allies, including senior leaders Pradeep Gyawali and Shankar Pokhrel, who have openly expressed their opposition to her return. The situation mirrors an earlier controversy when former Vice-president Nanda Kishor Pun rejoined the CPN (Maoist Center) amid similar internal criticism.

Her return raises pressing questions about the party’s future leadership. Will Oli willingly transfer power to Bhandari or will the two compete for control in the upcoming party elections? Reports suggest Bhandari is positioning herself as a unifying figure, citing Oli’s health concerns and deepening party divisions, while also portraying herself as someone capable of bringing Nepal’s fractured communist factions together.

Oli had reportedly urged Bhandari to delay her public announcement to avoid stoking internal conflict. However, she insisted on clarifying her position ahead of the UML’s upcoming statute convention, arguing that transparency was necessary. Over recent months, Oli has publicly expressed dissatisfaction with Bhandari’s intent to return to party politics. Meanwhile, there is also a growing public debate over whether it is appropriate for a former head of state to re-enter active politics.

The immediate challenge before the UML leadership is to assign Bhandari a role—similar to what the Maoist Center did for Nanda Kishor Pun, who returned to politics despite internal resistance. While Bhandari’s comeback may not pose a direct challenge to Oli’s leadership in the short term, it could undermine the ambitions of second-rung leaders vying to lead the party.

Key contenders to succeed Oli include Ishwar Pokhrel, Shankar Pokhrel, Bishnu Poudel and Pradeep Gyawali. Given her stature as a former president, her late husband's legacy and her recent outreach, analysts suggest Bhandari could dominate the UML’s direction for the next decade if she secures the party leadership.

Bhandari’s re-entry has already triggered polarization within the party. Many leaders previously distanced from Oli have now aligned with her. Since the departure of senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, the UML had largely avoided public factionalism, with Oli maintaining a tight grip on internal power. In the party's 10th convention, Oli’s attempt to be elected unanimously was challenged by Bhim Rawal, leading to a formal election process. Rawal later left the party.

Bhandari has vowed to strengthen the UML into a decisive political force ahead of the 2027 elections, emphasizing that internal unity could lead the party to a majority, an idea that resonates with many party leaders and cadres. Her return could also accelerate the defection of CPN (Unified Socialist) members to the UML, as many disillusioned leaders see no future in the party, especially after the CIAA filed a corruption case against Madhav Kumar Nepal.

Her re-entry comes at a crucial time, as the party prepares for its statute convention and a leadership convention in the years ahead. Oli, who became party chairman in 2015 and was re-elected in 2021 with 1,840 votes against Bhim Rawal’s 223, has not confirmed whether he will seek a third term. Bhandari has expressed optimism about Oli continuing as the party leader. The UML has scheduled its statute convention for August, and the leadership convention is planned within the next five years.

General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel has openly opposed Bhandari’s comeback. Speaking at a party event in Pokhara, he stated that the former president cannot overstep the UML’s vision of development and prosperity. He warned that opportunist forces were attempting to weaken the party from within.

Speaking at a separate event the same day, Oli echoed similar concerns, warning party members against encouraging factions working to influence the upcoming general convention. “The party is on a mission for 2084 (2027),” he said, referencing the next national election. Pokhrel had earlier proposed barring Bhandari’s return to party politics by effecting changes in the party statute. 

Bhandari, however, remains firm in her political vision. She has pledged to further advance people’s multiparty democracy, an ideology propagated by her late husband, Madan Bhandari. The core of this ideology is the belief that communist parties in Nepal must embrace parliamentary democracy instead of adhering to orthodox communist principles. 

Her reentry also carries geopolitical implications, as both India and China closely monitor her political trajectory. While Beijing welcomed her during her recent visit, where she met senior Chinese Communist Party officials.  Striking a diplomatic tone, “India and China’s socio-economic progress inspires us. We must strengthen ties with both to build mutually beneficial partnerships,” said Bhandari.

People’s trust in the media is fast declining, if not hitting the rock bottom, already. As a professional journalist with no political affiliation, I have spent two decades in this field, witnessing both highs and lows of Nepali media industry. In the early years of my career, the media was all flourishing: newspaper circulation was rising, radio and television were booming, and college classrooms were filled with enthusiastic media students. Now, the trend has sharply reversed. 

The current state of Nepali media bears some superficial resemblance to American media from 1900 to the 1940s. During that period, US newspapers were characterized by partisan, sensationalism, public criticisms over media performances, abuse of media power and growing concerns about the media’s negative impact on democracy. In response to these issues, American educator Robert Hutchins was appointed to lead a blue-ribbon panel to study the challenges facing US media. 

This piece broadly explores the current crisis of credibility in the media, the government’s attempt to control the press and what a wise and transparent approach to media regulation should look like. We must openly acknowledge that public trust in us is eroding due to a multitude of factors.

Only by first admitting this can we begin to rebuild the trust. At the heart of the media’s current crisis lies a widespread violation of journalistic ethics. Financial struggles are already a serious concern. But if journalists commit to upholding ethical standards, public criticism can at least be reduced, if not entirely silenced. 

It is not only digital platforms which are flouting journalistic codes of conduct. Traditional media, which pride themselves on being part of the mainstream, are also flagrantly violating ethical norms, further fueling public distrust. The erosion of confidence in media is not unique to Nepal; it is a global trend that began in the early 2000s and it continues to deepen. A recent report by the Reuters Institute revealed that only 40 percent of people trust the media. The silver lining, however, is that this figure has not declined over the past few years.

 In fact, trust in news has remained stable for the third consecutive year, even though it is still four percentage points lower than it was at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Nevertheless, public trust in the media continues to erode gradually. For instance, in recent years, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority(CIAA) has filed cases against more than half a dozen journalists, alongside government officials, for their alleged involvement in corruption and irregularities. Meanwhile, people are struggling to distinguish between news, views and advertisement and paid content.   

Another problem is the structural weakness of Nepali media houses. The ongoing economic crisis is forcing many media outlets to carry out mass layoffs, severely weakening newsrooms. This has not only affected field-based reporting but also undermined the gate-keeping—selecting, filtering and refining the news before it reaches the public. As a result, ordinary citizens are increasingly questioning the accuracy, balance and credibility of the news they consume.

One of the most corrosive issues in Nepali journalism today is the political affiliation of journalists. Many spend more time on social media than in the newsroom, either defending their preferred political parties or attacking their rivals. The level of political alignment among journalists has reached an alarming level. People no longer trust content produced by those who openly align with political parties and shape their social media presence accordingly. Journalism is being misused as a stepping stone for political appointments or personal financial gains. 

Professional journalists are facing pressure not just from political actors but from their own colleagues affiliated with political parties or power centers. If a journalist publishes critical news about these parties or centers, affiliated colleagues often retaliate by undermining or attacking the former. Journalists who maintain independence are finding it increasingly difficult to survive in such a hostile environment.

Another growing problem is the media’s overreliance on social media content, due in large part to the decline in field reporting. This has led to a troubling trend: journalists often use unverified social media posts as the basis for news stories. Recently, a prominent journalist published a report based on rumors circulating online. 

Although filing a cybercrime case against him was unjustified, the video content he produced was clearly problematic and damaged the credibility of the media outlet involved. Those in power are now using such incidents as a pretext to clamp down on the media. Several news stories based on unchecked social media information have sparked controversy. Even worse, there is a growing reluctance among media houses to acknowledge mistakes or issue timely corrections.  

Due to these ethical lapses, all three branches of the state—the executive, legislature and the judiciary—believe that the media should be tightly regulated. The problem is further complicated by the inability of the politicians to distinguish between professional news content and personal social media posts. On that basis, they are attempting to suppress independent journalism, especially as it continues to expose corruption and irregularities. With corruption at an all-time high and politicians and government officials implicated, the media has effectively become their enemy.

Every draft of media-related laws introduced by successive governments directly contravenes the international treaties and convention to which Nepal is a party, and also violates the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech and expression. There is now rhetoric within the parliament in favor of restricting the media, while the executive branch is employing various means to jail journalists. The judiciary, once considered a last resort for journalists seeking justice, is letting journalists down, more often than not.

The judiciary plays a vital role in safeguarding freedom of speech, expression and the press by checking the executive’s attempts to impose suppressive laws. Historically, Nepal’s judiciary upheld these principles, from the Panchayat era to King Gyanendra’s direct rule. Unfortunately, the current reality is quite the opposite. 

The judiciary has become more restrictive toward press freedom, emboldening those who wish to curtail it. Courts are now misusing the contempt of court provision to harass journalists and even issuing orders to remove published news content in a clear violation of constitutional norms. 

The media fraternity itself is partly to blame for this situation, having failed to support the enactment of a clear and fair contempt of court law. It is ironic that during times of autocracy, Nepali media stood firmly in defense of press freedom, but in the republican era, that commitment appears to be wavering. A close examination of recent bills related to the media, social media and information technology reveals that the government’s aim is control, not regulation. These efforts undermine the principles of responsible journalism and the social responsibilities of the media. 

As I conclude this piece, I return to the Hutchins Commission report of 1947. To address media shortcomings, the US did not control the press, doing so would have violated the First Amendment, which explicitly states, “Congress shall make no law, abridging the freedom of the press.” Instead, the focus was placed on promoting ethical standards and media accountability. In our context, any attempts to control the media would violate the 2015 constitution and international treaties and conventions to which Nepal is a party. 

Those in power must understand that ethical reform is a far more effective tool than legal coercion for addressing shortcomings of the media. At the same time, collaboration between private media, academic institutions and the government can help find solutions. If necessary, a powerful commission similar to Hutchins Commission can be formed. The state can take a range of non-intrusive measures to promote ethical standards without interfering in press freedom.

The executive, the judiciary and the legislature must urgently abandon their current restrictive mindset. Attempts to control the media will not resolve its shortcomings; it will make the matter worse. We in the media must also recognize that public criticism of our work is both real and justified, and we must act responsibly.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has announced her return to active politics under the ruling CPN-UML, marking a significant shift in Nepal’s political landscape. 

She confirmed renewing her party membership, which she had relinquished after assuming the presidency following the promulgation of the in 2015 constitution.

Speaking at an event organized by the Madan Bhandari Foundation, a party think tank named after her late husband, she declared, “Now I am reunited with the UML as a member of this family, and I feel proud of this.” Her announcement comes after a recent high-profile visit to China and a series of nationwide tours aimed at reconnecting with party cadres.

Her political resurgence has stirred tensions within the UML, particularly with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and his close allies, including senior leaders Pradeep Gyawali and Shankar Pokharel, who have openly opposed her return. 

This mirrors the earlier controversy when former Vice President Nanda Kishor Pun rejoined the CPN (Maoist Centre) amid similar criticisms. The situation raises pressing questions about the party’s future leadership. 

Will Oli peacefully transfer power to Bhandari, or will the two clash for control in upcoming party elections? Reports suggest Bhandari is positioning herself as a unifying leader, citing Oli’s health concerns and internal party divisions, while also presenting herself as a figure capable of bridging Nepal’s fractured communist factions.

Oli has reportedly urged Bhandari to delay her public announcement to avoid fueling factionalism, but she insisted on clarifying her stance ahead of the UML’s statute convention, arguing that transparency was necessary. Her return could disrupt the ambitions of second-tier leaders like Ishwar Pokhrel and Bishnu Poudel, who were seen as potential successors to Oli. Given her stature as a former president, her late husband’s enduring legacy, and her nationwide political outreach, analysts suggest she could dominate the party for the next decade if she secures the presidency.

Bhandari has vowed to strengthen the UML into a decisive force ahead of the 2027 elections, emphasizing that internal unity could secure the party a majority. Her reentry also carries geopolitical implications, as both India and China closely monitor her political trajectory. While Beijing welcomed her during her recent visit, where she met senior Chinese Communist Party officials, Delhi has historically viewed the UML with skepticism, preferring instead to engage with Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Striking a diplomatic tone, “India and China’s socio-economic progress inspires us. We must strengthen ties with both to build mutually beneficial partnerships,” said Bhandari.

Her return has sparked debate over the ethical implications of former heads of state reentering partisan politics, though no legal barriers prevent her from doing so. Critics question whether her ambitions align with democratic norms, while supporters argue that her experience and legacy make her a stabilizing force for the UML. As the party prepares for internal elections and the next general elections, Bhandari’s resurgence promises to reshape Nepal’s political dynamics, with repercussions extending beyond the UML to the broader balance of power in the region.

Kathmandu-- Preparations have been completed for Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli's official visit to Spain beginning tomorrow.     

PM Oli is set to pay a visit at the friendly invitation of United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez for the 'International Conference on Financing for the Development of the United Nations (FFD-4)' to be held in Seville, Spain, from June 30 to July 3.     

Leaders of governments from around the world, global and regional organisations, financial and trade institutions, businesspeople, civil society, and relevant representatives of the United Nations system will participate in this conference on financing for development.     

At the event, Nepal will advocate for raising the voice of the least developed, small, and island nations. The conference will also discuss the implementation of investment commitments made by rich countries for poor and small nations.     

Prime Minister Oli's chief political advisor, Bishnu Prasad Rima,l said that Prime Minister Oli is going to participate in this forum as it is important for promoting international cooperation for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals set by the United Nations by the year 2030.     

Stating that the preparations for the Prime Minister's visit are complete, Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Lok Bahadur Poudel Chhetri said the conference will focus on the challenges of immediate and long-term assistance and investment necessary for sustainable development by improving the global financial structure.     

Chhetri stated that the conference is of utmost importance between developed countries and developing and the least developed countries regarding sustainable development, financing for development, and particularly, development assistance, investment, and technology transfer; hence, high priority and high-level participation will be crucial.     

He shared that this would be Nepal's unique role in the context of it chairing the international coordination of least developed countries.     

During the visit, Prime Minister Oli would deliver a statement at the conference. The Prime Minister would pay a courtesy call on Spain's King Philip II and his Spanish counterpart Sanchez, as well as hold a sideline meeting with leaders of other countries of the world.     

PM Oli is leaving for Madrid via Qatar on Saturday evening to participate in the conference scheduled from June 30 to July 3. He will return home on July 4.     

It is believed that the high-level visit from Nepal would contribute to increasing investment from developed countries in Nepal and attract tourists from European countries, including Spain.

The 21-member delegation includes First Lady Radhika Shakya, PM's Chief Advisor, Bishnu Prasad Rimal, Foreign Secretary Amrit Bahadur Rai, Secretary at the Finance Ministry, Ghan Shyam Upadhyay, Secretary at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, Raj Kumar Shrestha, PM Oli's Chief Personal Secretary Rajesh Bajracharya, PM's private doctor Dr Smriti Shakya, among others.     

Similarly, an additional eight people from Spain and New York would join the Nepali delegation, which includes—Nepali Ambassador to Spain, Shanil Nepal, Permanent Representative of Nepal to the United Nations, Lok Bahadur Thapa, among others. RSS