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Celebrating our 28th anniversary, we acknowledge not only our rich history but also the new direction we have taken to enhance our global impact. This year has been pivotal in redefining ECAN’s role in shaping international education and promoting Nepali students as global citizens.

Upon assuming the presidency, it was clear that ECAN needed to adapt to the changing educational landscape to remain effective. With the invaluable support of my Executive team and the insightful guidance of Immediate Past President Prakash Pandey, we embarked on a strategic overhaul. We focused on aligning our practices with contemporary needs and expectations, ensuring that ECAN continues to lead with innovation and relevance in a rapidly evolving field.

Our foremost goal was to empower our educational counselors, who play a critical role in guiding students toward their academic and professional goals. Recognizing their central importance, we launched a comprehensive suite of initiatives designed to enhance their skills and expertise. This included organizing training workshops, informational sessions, and specialized knowledge-sharing events. These programs were meticulously developed with the active involvement of the ECAN team and our members, ensuring they addressed the specific needs and challenges faced by our counselors. By investing in their professional development, we aimed to uphold the highest standards of integrity and professionalism within our network.

A significant priority was transforming the public perception of the education consultancy profession. We successfully completed the second series of ECAN EDUclave, a platform that brought together policymakers, educators and key stakeholders to discuss and elevate the role of educational consultancy. Additionally, our “Faces of ECAN” campaign, featuring impactful videos and social media content, highlighted the achievements of our members. A key component of this campaign was our collaboration with Rajesh Hamal for a TV commercial, which played a crucial role in reshaping public perceptions. Our active participation in national and international forums, such as the FIRST BIMSTEC Business Summit in New Delhi and various media engagements, further reinforced the value and positive impact of educational consultancy.

Another major focus was on improving our interaction with policy frameworks and streamlining administrative processes. Historically, policies regarding educational consultancies have been challenging. To address this, we engaged actively with the Education Ministry and worked to influence policy development. Our advocacy efforts resulted in more supportive and efficient policies that better serve both students and consultancies. By simplifying procedures and reducing bureaucratic hurdles, we aimed to create a more favorable environment for international education, reinforcing ECAN’s role as a key player in policy discussions and administrative reforms. Building and maintaining robust relationships with international stakeholders was essential to our mission. We focused on enhancing our engagement with embassies, high commissions and strategic agencies such as ICEF, the British Council and PTE. Our interactions with the Foreign Ministry of Nepal were crucial in ensuring smooth processes for students seeking education abroad. The ECAN team organized well-received welcome and farewell events for ambassadors and consular officials, which facilitated open dialogue and strengthened our connections. These diplomatic engagements helped address challenges in visa applications and improved the overall efficiency of our consultancy services.

ECAN has been at the forefront of advocating for Nepal as a prominent educational hub through the “Study in Nepal” initiative. As the first consultancy association to champion this vision, we have worked diligently to position Nepal as an attractive destination for international students. Our efforts included supporting and influencing policy changes to facilitate student visas and creating a welcoming environment for foreign students. We have established strategic agreements with various academic institutions across Nepal to enhance the quality of educational offerings and ensure that they meet global standards. Through these collaborations, we aim to provide a diverse range of programs and opportunities, solidifying Nepal’s place in the global education landscape.

Looking forward

Over the past one year, our initiatives to empower counselors, reshape public perception and engage in policy development and international relationships have laid a strong foundation for ECAN’s future. As we celebrate 28 years of excellence, we are poised for continued growth and leadership in educational consultancy. The strides we have made this year have not only reinforced our commitment to our values but also positioned us for further success. Moving forward, I am confident that with the support of our dedicated team and members, ECAN will continue to achieve new heights and drive positive change in the field of educational consultancy. Thank you for your unwavering support as we advance together.

The Constitution of Nepal has established basic healthcare as a fundamental right of its citizens. In the context of the federal governance system, it is the responsibility of the state to ensure easy access to quality health services for all. The national health policy 2019 primarily aims to develop and expand a health system based on social justice and good governance. Moreover, the policy has laid emphasis on the social health protection system by integrating the most marginalized sections within and across societies. 

At a recent press conference, Health Minister Pradeep Paudel presented his key health priorities and action plan to ensure people have easy access to quality health care services at all levels. The rationale of these priorities is largely based on the guiding principles of national health policy, 16th plan and the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. Ensuring equitable access to healthcare is a primary agenda of health sector reforms. 

In the federal context, the first and foremost priority is to develop a solid strategic roadmap to improve coordination with clarity on roles and responsibilities within and across three levels of governments in order to harmonize effective implementation of national health policies, strategic guidelines and the emerging priorities. The idea of establishing an integrated health infrastructure development project is innovative and timely as it provides a clear picture of existing human resources, health infrastructure, health financing mechanisms, logistics and supply chain management at all levels. 

Undoubtedly, this strategic approach will facilitate federal, provincial and local governments to identify new opportunities and gaps, and address existing challenges in delivering quality healthcare services. Strengthening the institutional capacity of local health governments and health facilities is one of the critical challenges in the health sector due to limited human resources, inadequate health infrastructure and supplies, poor monitoring and evaluation systems of healthcare services. 

Therefore, the ambitious action plan to increase the coverage of health insurance as well as other social security schemes is easier said than done. Evidence suggests that national health insurance and other social protection services are facing serious implementation challenges. However, it is yet to be seen how the new priorities of the health minister are implemented in the months to come. The ground reality is that without realistically addressing persistent structural barriers in health systems and ensuring effective implementation of policy and regulatory frameworks, one can not simply hope for significant reform in the health sector.

Other emerging issues such as mental health, non-communicable diseases, disaster and health emergencies need a more pragmatic approach for actions to enhance the capacity of local governments for multi-sector response in the health sector. Interestingly, migrant health has also received  priority in order to address the health care needs of migrants and their families. 

By formulating a new population policy, there is an increasing focus on strategizing demographic dividend for sustainable socioeconomic development. The health security of marginalized and indigenous populations is another priority, but again needs a clear strategic roadmap for implementation. Among many other priority areas, one of the praiseworthy initiatives is to improve nutritional status of children under five years of age, adolescents and mothers by enhancing the institutional capacity of provincial and local governments to effectively implement the multi-sector nutrition plan at the communities. 

Though there is explicit focus on urban health systems, climate change and associated environmental health risks for consideration, it is interesting to see how these issues will be effectively mainstreamed in federal health systems for timely action. In addition to enhancing the capacity of hospitals across the country, improving physical infrastructure of the health facilities in the rural areas is a high priority in the health agenda. 

Moreover, there is a critical need to strengthen procurement and supply chain management by ensuring transparency and efficient practices to avoid any interruptions in supplies of drugs and other essential logistics. Ensuring safety, quality and efficacy of medicines is crucial. At the same time, public awareness on road safety is equally important to reduce the mortality, injuries and disability. Health promotion and communication strategies for behavior change are also critical to a healthy lifestyle. 

Therefore, the key stakeholders are now enthusiastically looking forward to effective implementation of the priorities as highlighted by the health minister. Without good governance and strong political commitments, the ambitious plans are less likely to deliver the expected results. The implementation mechanisms and structures must be strengthened with clear terms of reference and a strategic roadmap for reform. Establishing robust monitoring and evaluation systems should be a high priority action point to track the progress and realistically address the bottlenecks in health systems at all levels. 

Despite some notable progress in the health sector, the federal health system has a long way to go to meet the wider expectations of people in accessing and utilizing quality healthcare services at the local level. There is still hope that effective implementation of the new priorities in the health sector will have profound implications in ensuring equity and social justice at large.  

The author is a health policy analyst

Recently, during an interaction program held in Tokha municipality, the mayor, Prakash Adhikari, stated that he was forced to categorize all the land in his municipality as residential and industrial. He mentioned that farmers protested at the municipal office against this decision. “There won’t be any agricultural land left once this land categorization is implemented,” he said. Ironically, during his speech, a large portion of green, rice-planted fields could be seen in the background.

His statement is not unique. Last year, my colleague and I visited four municipalities from eastern to western Nepal. Most of the local representatives we spoke with shared the same opinion. The ward chair of Kalika municipality mentioned that his municipality no longer has agricultural land, as all the area in his wards has been categorized as residential. However, government statistics show that 90.6 percent of the area in the municipality is still used for agricultural purposes.

Undoubtedly, land is a significant economic and productive asset in an agrarian country like Nepal. Historian and archivist Mahesh Chandra Regmi defines land as a representation of the principal form of wealth, the principal symbol of social status, and the principal form of economic and political power. Back then, land ownership meant control over a vital factor of production. Even after five decades, these symbols of land and having ownership of land remain largely the same, although its priority has shifted from production to residential use.

A shifting value 

The Land Use Regulation issued in 2022, three years after the endorsement of the Land Use Act of 2019, categorized land into 10 different types. Based on topography, efficiency, land utility, current use and necessity, land is now classified as agricultural, residential, commercial, industrial, mining and mineral areas, forests, public use, cultural-archeological sites, and others. This new categorization clearly reflects a shift in land priorities from production to a wider range of uses. 

Previously, land was categorized based on the physical properties of the soil, its water retention capacity, irrigation availability, and estimated productivity per unit area. Land with high productivity, good fertility and proper irrigation had the highest value, and efforts were made to maximize land fertility. Now, residential land with road access holds the highest value in both urban and rural areas. As a result, people have pressured the government for road access to their land, leading to haphazard road construction. 

Misdirected basis

With the jurisdiction of land categorization, local bodies have started to classify land as either agricultural or non-agricultural. Most local bodies use road access as a basis for this categorization. Roads are developed as a means of advancing infrastructure, so fertile valleys are often surrounded by roads. Using road access as the basis for land categorization results in categorizing all fertile land as residential, which leads to increased land fragmentation. In Belaka municipality, Udayapur, there is a large fertile area on the banks of Triyuga and Saptakoshi Rivers. Roads are constructed parallel at a distance of less than 100 meters in those fertile raised riverbeds. Both sides of the road within 100 meters are categorized as residential land. As a result of this new categorization, the fertile riverbed has been converted into residential land. A similar situation can be observed throughout Nepal. Instead of examining physical properties, soil fertility, and infrastructure feasibility, using roads as the basis for land categorization increases the risk of diminishing agricultural land.

Policy discrimination

Nepal has 3m hectares of cultivable land, which covers 28 percent of the land area. However, one-third of this cultivable land is now barren, and this trend is increasing. The Land Use Act 2019 was endorsed for the proper use and effective management of land through classification. Political leaders and the concerned ministry have also stated that this act is meant to conserve agricultural land, but the opposite has happened. Some provisions, such as penalties for leaving agricultural land barren and the requirement of approval for buying and selling agricultural land, create fear among farmers about categorizing their land as agricultural. 

The minimum land valuation set by the ministry is based on road access and road type. The government itself discriminates against agricultural land during valuation. Banking loans are also provided based on road access. People are concerned about the low valuation and the difficulty of obtaining loans using agricultural land as collateral. As a result, they pressure the government to categorize their land as residential.

What’s going on?

Land is a very sensitive matter for all of us. It is deeply connected with identity and patriotism, making it a major concern during every political change. Political parties always put land management and ownership distribution at the top of their agendas during elections. People are constantly concerned about land, land ownership and tenure. However, what is actually happening to the land itself is rarely a concern for politicians, the government, or individuals.

With shifting priorities regarding land, soil is suffering harm and becoming lifeless. For short-term economic benefits, land is fragmented into small pieces. There are 6.6m Nepali households owning 11m plots of land, and the size of these plots is also decreasing. All tiers of government are encouraging land fragmentation for revenue generation. Some local governments even put pressure on the ministry, along with land brokers, when the government halted land allotment for categorization. Governments are also building roads haphazardly, ignoring the environmental damage.

Haphazard use of insecticides and pesticides is rife. Last year, more than 2,200 tons of insecticides, pesticides and fungicides were applied to the land, along with 0.4m tons of chemical fertilizers. As a result, the organic matter content in the soil is decreasing, and the land is becoming more acidic, leading to an uncountable loss of soil microbes, beneficial insects and nematodes. At a glance, the true production value of the land was overlooked in favor of contemporary monetary gain, with healthy soil paying the price.

Healthy soil matters

Only 7.5 percent of the Earth’s land is used for agriculture, and it is very fragile. Ninety-five percent of the world's food is produced from fertile, healthy topsoil. Living topsoil is a rich ecosystem with diverse life forms. It is estimated that less than half a hectare of soil (i.e., one acre) may contain 900 pounds of earthworms, 2,400 pounds of fungi, 1,500 pounds of bacteria, 133 pounds of protozoa and 890 pounds of arthropods and algae. However, this source of all life is under threat.

As a mountainous country, Nepal will face a higher threat than others. On one hand, 83 percent of Nepal’s land is covered by mountains and hills, with half of this area already suffering from erosion. On the other hand, 13.6 percent of Nepal’s total population is in a state of severe food insecurity. Additionally, in the fiscal year 2022-23, Nepal imported agricultural goods worth 300bn, highlighting the significant danger of food scarcity the country may face.

Moreover, the ongoing crises due to climate change and regional conflicts worldwide are also unavoidable. This situation underscores the need to conserve our healthy soil on our own land. We need to change our perspective on land. The most fundamental use of land is for production. We have diverse soil types as well as rich agro-biodiversity. The skyrocketing contemporary monetary value of land only leads to the destruction of soil. The Covid-19 pandemic sent a strong message: Money can’t be eaten. There are more crises yet to come, so we must prepare ourselves and recognize that land alone is not enough without fertile soil.

The author is an agroecology researcher at ForestAction Nepal

The last few days have seen a modest surge of interest in the fact that citizens belonging to the Dalit community are, once again, not represented in the Federal Cabinet. 

Just a few days ago, on Aug 10, there was a march at the center of Kathmandu in which activists were demanding a fair representation of Dalits in the national institutions. 

In the recently-appointed federal government, there is only one state minister, a junior position within the cabinet, belonging to the community, Rupa BK who was appointed with the Forests and Environment portfolio. 

As several news reports have highlighted, the lack of inclusiveness, especially in relation to the political rights of Dalits, is a consistent feature of national politics. 

Even the previous government under Pushpa Kamal Dahal, in theory a big supporter of Dalits ‘rights, did not have any full ranking minister representing the community. 

Dahal, just a few months ago, in the beginning of June, had announced that an effort was on to establish a Dalit Development Authority. 

While the details of such an initiative were never disclosed, there is a high probability that such an idea will never see implementation. 

Even if such an entity were to be established, its performances would be insignificant, most probably, not too dissimilar from the performance of the National Dalit Commission, a constitutional body that has as its core mission, the empowerment of the community. 

Like many other inclusiveness-focused bodies (for example the Tharu Commission or the Muslim equivalent or even the National Human Rights Commission), the institution has not been able to propose or actuate any noteworthy initiative. 

Even if they lack teeth, these bodies could help generate a national narrative that would be instrumental in reaching a new understanding of the suffering facing minority groups. 

Above all, citizens from the Dalit community really deserve the nation’s special attention and consideration. 

The real problem is that the country is not even close to that.

This is for me a key point and it is one of the most intricate policy conundrums facing the nation.

It is not that policies are not important; it is not that they do not count, they do as, ultimately, any change must have legal sanctions and policy discussions are paramount.

For example, the last’s march National Assembly resolution aimed at ending discrimination toward Dalits could be seen as a good blueprint to advance new practical actions to challenge and ultimately change the status quo. 

I do sincerely hope that the sub-committee in charge of monitoring the implementation of the resolution becomes effective in creating more accountability among ministries’ officials and among members of both chambers belonging to different communities. 

If such deeds are enforced, these would be real stepping stones but for real progress, we need something at much deeper and more personal levels, to begin with. 

Yet, the ultimate challenge is generating an interest among the people on the lack of political representation of citizens from the Dalit community. 

How can we ensure that rallies like the one that happened on Aug 10 can generate a buzz among citizens from different communities, especially the so-called “dominant” communities, who have almost an implicit monopoly on holding key power positions? 

In particular, what puzzles me is how to involve and engage youths in embracing the cause of Dalits. 

I do not want to overlook the neglect in political representation experienced by other groups, including sexual minorities and persons with disabilities but Dalits’ rights cannot be deprioritized. 

How can we generate the same excitement that exists among youths to fight for climate change also for the discrimination facing Dalits? 

I tend to agree with Dalits rights activist and academician Mitra Pariyar. 

“Dalits should form strong lobbies, watchdogs and pressure groups to apply pressure on ministers, junior ministers, government secretaries, CDOs and judges to think more about Dalit identity and rights and to contribute in that direction”, he wrote in a recent opinion piece.

Yet this strategy can only be successful in the medium and long run, if a new awareness, together with a new consciousness, is created among other members of the society. 

It is not that Dalits should stop vigorously reclaiming their rights, including, as explained for this paper by Sushil Darnal, on the need to establish stronger affirmative legislations that benefit them. 

But a major effort on the part of the society, starting from non-Dalit youths, must happen if Nepal truly wants to become truly equal and inclusive. 

First Dalits and non-Dalits youths need to have more opportunities to work together on issues related to social injustices and discrimination but also on other issues of contemporary importance. 

For example, how many Dalits youths are advocating for climate and biodiversity action? 

Those strong and bold enough do advocate for their own rights, but they might not have the strengths or simply enough “bandwidth” to get into other important issues. 

Those climate and biodiversity champions could make an effort to reach out to their peers from Dalit communities and establish joint coalitions, even if at very informal levels, even if with small goals of joint collaborations.

Embassies in Kathmandu, which have been championing youth empowerment, could uniquely support this attempt at coalition building. 

Yet, ownership should come from the youths themselves, who, ideally, must truly embrace this new “front” of cross-cutting themes-based collaborations. 

Possibly working groups or as I prefer to call them, a community of practitioners comprising youths from different backgrounds could be established, trying to formulate common policy proposals, identifying the links between caste and climate injustices. 

Inclusion and social justice have a myriad of facets and different angles but the overarching goal of the 2015 Constitution is achieving a more just and fair nation for everyone. 

Perhaps the debate on changing the threshold for proportional representation that the new government is pushing could be seen as a welcome opportunity as long as a wider discussion is also welcomed: The one focused on a stronger and mandatory quota for Dalits citizens. 

But even with such transformative measures in place that, as per now, are a long shot, we need people, especially youths from different backgrounds and castes, coming together. 

The biggest changes at societal levels do happen only when truly inclusive alliances are established. 

It happened in the USA during the Civil Rights Movement and the similar though different dynamics unfolded in South Africa to bring an end to the Apartheid regime. 

Let’s not forget, it can also happen in Nepal.

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