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Both Houses of the Federal Parliament are holding meetings on Friday. 

The meeting of the House of Representatives (HoR) has been scheduled for 1 pm.

In today's meeting,  Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel is scheduled to table a proposal seeking a general discussion on the annual estimates of revenue and expenditure for the fiscal year 2025/26 BS with statements. 

Similarly, State Affairs and Good Governance Committee President Ramhari Khatiwada is scheduled to present the report on the federal civil service bill, 2082 BS in the meeting. 

Likewise, the National Assembly (NA) will meet  at 1.15 pm today. 

In the meeting, general discussions on the annual estimates of revenue and expenditure will continue. 

The United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has announced the termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Nepalis.

In a Federal Register notice, DHS Secretary Kristi Noem stated that after reviewing the current conditions in Nepal and consulting with relevant interagency partners, the country no longer meets the criteria required for TPS designation.

With this, around 7,000 Nepalis living in the US on the basis of TPS will have to return home.

The TPS for Nepal will officially end at 11:59 pm on August 5, 2025, which is 60 days after the publication of the notice.

“If you are currently a TPS beneficiary from Nepal, and have no other lawful basis to remain, you should begin preparations for departure,” the notice said. “Those planning to depart the US can use the CBP One mobile app to facilitate their return process.”

After the devastating earthquake that struck Nepal in 2015, the TPS had allowed around 15, 000 Nepalis to legally reside and work in the United States.

Even during the previous term of US President Donald Trump, he had taken ahead the process to revoke the TPS for Nepal.

At that time, Nepalis were urged to return to their country within 12 months.

With US President Donald Trump assuming his office for the second term, the US has continued the deportations of the immigrants found without official documents back to home.

Earlier on March 6, nine Nepalis, who were living and working illegally in the US, were brought to Kathmandu on a chartered flight.

With dwindling public support and growing divisions within the movement, the pro-monarchy protests appear to have weakened for now. On May 29, a royalist faction led by Panchayat-era veteran Navaraj Subedi announced an indefinite strike, but it failed to sustain even a week.

While the first day saw a sizable turnout, participation gradually declined, forcing the Subedi-led group to shift tactics—moving protests from Kathmandu to municipalities. From the outset, royalist forces projected unity, but internal rifts have now surfaced. Tensions escalated between the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a key royalist faction with 14 parliamentary seats, and Subedi’s panel after the latter unilaterally called for a banda (nationwide strike) without consulting the RPP. The strike was later withdrawn, but the RPP faced criticism for resorting to a tactic most political parties have abandoned.

Since the movement began in March, many RPP leaders were displeased when former King Gyanendra Shah secretly formed the Subedi-led panel to push for his reinstatement. Initially, RPP Chairperson Rajendra Lingden and RPP-Nepal Chairperson Kamal Thapa refused to join, but after pressure from royalist factions, they reluctantly participated and even directed party cadres to support the protests. Many RPP leaders saw this as an attempt to undermine their party’s leadership, further deepening internal divisions.

The first major protest this year took place on March 28 in Kathmandu, preceded by a crowd of around 10,000 welcoming Gyanendra at the airport upon his return from Pokhara. The March 28 rally, led by controversial businessman Durga Prasai, exposed further cracks in the RPP. Senior leaders Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana defied the party’s official stance and joined the protest, and now they face legal cases for allegedly inciting violence.

Gyanendra later managed to bring Lingden, Thapa and 45 smaller Hindu nationalist groups under Subedi’s committee. Over the past months, he met numerous pro-monarchy figures to rally support but resisted building the movement under the RPP’s leadership—despite its parliamentary presence. On May 27, two days before the strike, Gyanendra hosted a meeting with RPP leaders, yet his approach reportedly alienated many. Sources say he dismissed the RPP’s influence, claiming people rallied for him, not the party. His unrealistic optimism about reclaiming the throne and his dismissive attitude toward political leaders further strained relations.

The ruling CPN-UML and Maoist Center have countered the royalist movement through rhetoric and occasional force, while the Nepali Congress (NC) initially dismissed it. However, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba recently acknowledged the need to take the royalists seriously as they adopt a more systematic approach.

Meanwhile, unrelated protests erupted this week as transport syndicates struck against Gandaki Province’s proposed ride-sharing laws—a sign of the government’s inability to reform Nepal’s dysfunctional public transport sector, long plagued by political patronage.

Two dozen civil society organizations have warned that Nepal’s transitional justice process faces a legitimacy crisis due to inadequate consultations. Recent appointments to key commissions have drawn skepticism, with critics and the international community questioning their credibility.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returned from a 10-day China visit, where she met senior Communist Party officials. Her trip followed increased political activity, including provincial tours and overt ambitions to lead the CPN-UML—ignoring criticism that ex-presidents should avoid partisan politics. Her delegation included UML figures distancing themselves from Prime Minister KP Oli, signaling internal rifts.

Opposition leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal, once vocal about toppling the government, has turned focus to party-building—though his aides still engage with NC leaders on potential government changes. Meanwhile, NC leaders Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa, both vying for the party presidency, privately agree on preventing Deuba from returning as PM and holding timely conventions—yet lack the numbers to challenge him.

As monsoon arrives 10 days early, fears of floods and landslides loom. Last year’s poor disaster response eroded public trust, and with damaged highways still unrepaired, concerns persist. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak claims preparedness, but given the state’s limited capacity, skepticism remains. Another weak response could further undermine government legitimacy.

A corruption case has been filed against former Prime Minister and CPN (Unified Socialist) Chairperson Madhav Kumar Nepal in connection with the controversial land deal involving Patanjali Yogpeeth. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) on Thursday filed the case at the Special Court against Nepal and several other individuals implicated in the alleged misappropriation of land.

With this, his parliamentary position has been automatically suspended. For the first time in Nepal’s history, a corruption case has been filed against a former prime minister. Notably, this is the first time a corruption case has been pursued over a Cabinet decision.

Nepal has been implicated along with 93 others. The case against Nepal demands a fine and punishment, with a claim for damages amounting to Rs 185.85m. For the other defendants, the claimed damage amounts vary.

The charges stem from a Cabinet decision made during Madhav Kumar Nepal’s tenure as Prime Minister, which granted Patanjali Yogpeeth a special permission to purchase 815 ropani of land in Bancha village of Kavrepalanchok district. Patanjali, a prominent Indian organization known for promoting Ayurvedic medicine, had registered a subsidiary in Nepal in 2007 with plans to build a hospital, herbal farm and educational facilities.

Under Nepal’s land ceiling laws, private companies are generally barred from owning such large tracts of land. However, the Cabinet, led by Nepal at the time, granted Patanjali an exemption on the condition that the land would be used exclusively for medicinal and educational purposes. Investigations revealed that Patanjali began selling parts of the acquired land soon after the purchase—some reportedly within months—violating the Land Act of 1964, which explicitly prohibits the sale of land obtained under such special exemptions.

The Cabinet decision had also specified that any funds from the sale of such land must be reinvested into acquiring other land for the same purpose, a condition Patanjali allegedly ignored. CIAA’s case accuses the defendants of abusing authority, violating existing land laws and causing financial loss to the state by facilitating and failing to prevent the illegal transfer and sale of land. 

Meanwhile, Nepal has said that he did nothing wrong in the Patanjali land case. He said that if there were any irregularities, they might have been committed by government employees. “I never even imagined that something like that could happen in an institution like Patanjali,” he said. “If there were any irregularities or mismanagement in the land acquisition process, it must have been done by staff. I had no involvement.” He said he made the decision to provide land to Patanjali with the intention of promoting public health in Nepal.

“I can’t speak much without fully understanding how and where loopholes were created, or whether anyone deliberately left gaps. But I did nothing wrong on my part—it wasn’t even in my mind,” he added. Nepal said he is not afraid just because a case has been filed, as he has never engaged in wrongdoing. “To be afraid, one must have done something wrong. I haven’t done anything inappropriate, nor do I support any inappropriate activities,” he said.

Nepal also accused Prime Minister KP Oli of being against him from the very beginning. “To speak plainly, KP Oli has been targeting me from the start. His intention is to end my political career,” he said. “He has tried multiple times in the past. He is someone who acts out of a sense of revenge.”

While the case was filed, he was in his home district Rautahat and he arrived in Kathmandu later in the evening. He has said that he will consult with legal experts and then publicly share a more detailed response.