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Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has asserted that the forthcoming House of Representatives (HoR) elections on March 5 will steer the Constitution in the right direction.

He came with the view today via social media, emphasizing that the elections will establish a new Parliament and properly guide the Constitution.

General Secretary Thapa remarked, 'The elections set for March 5 is the sole avenue to align the Constitution correctly; there is no doubt about this.'

He further noted that the party has already articulated its stance during the all-party meeting led by the Prime Minister.

Additionally, General Secretary Thapa highlighted that convening a party general convention prior to the elections, along with the policies and leadership that will arise from it, will empower the Congress to effectively compete in the elections.

The Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest democratic party, finds itself mired in deep internal divisions. Factional rivalries, leadership disputes, and conflicting ambitions have pushed the organization into disarray. As the party grapples with a leadership crisis and intensifying power struggle, questions are mounting over its ability to present a united front and play an effective national role. The chronic intra-party rift has widened further after Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting party president.

Deuba is currently in Singapore for treatment after being seriously injured during the Sept 9 protests, when demonstrators attacked him and set his private residence on fire. On two key issues—the party’s general convention and its position on current national affairs—the NC remains undecided. A power struggle has emerged among the party’s second- and third-tier leaders. Senior figures such as Khadka, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Prakash Man Singh are opposing calls to hold the party convention before the March 5 elections, while the reformist camp, led by General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, is pushing for early elections within the party structure.

The party has splintered into multiple factions, each seeking to consolidate control. As a result, the organization has become a hostage to indecision, fueling fears of an eventual split. Another worrying sign for the party rank and file is the sharp decline in enthusiasm for renewing active membership. According to party insiders, of the roughly 800,000 members, only about 300,000 have renewed their membership so far, a signal of the party’s weakening grassroots presence. The continued infighting among top leaders, according to many, is likely to deepen frustration among the cadres.

NC General Secretary Bishwo Prakash Sharma has argued that a special general convention becomes mandatory if 54 percent of the general convention representatives formally demand it. He emphasized that the immediate issue is not whether the regular convention is held in Mangsir, Poush, or Baisakh, but whether to respond to the written demand of the majority for a special convention.

“The demand for a special general convention can be addressed only in two ways,” he wrote, “either by holding the special general convention itself or by organizing the regular convention within the same timeframe. This must be understood clearly without ifs, buts, or excuses.”

As the party’s Central Working Committee fails to take decisive action, various factions have begun holding separate internal meetings to advance their positions.

Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has led the party since 2016, is not expected to contest for the leadership again. This has set the stage for a fierce contest for the top post. General Secretary Thapa and senior leader Shekhar Koirala have already announced their candidacies for party president, while several other leaders are reportedly preparing to join the race.

Although there is hardly any consensus among the party’s senior leaders, many appear united in their intent to prevent Thapa from securing the presidency. How the internal negotiations unfold remains to be seen. If Thapa and Koirala reach an understanding, they could together secure the leadership. It is also unclear whether all of Deuba’s loyalists will support Khadka as their candidate. The Deuba faction itself is fractured, with some leaders aligning with Koirala and others with Thapa. It also remains uncertain whether Deuba will openly endorse any candidate or remain neutral.

The NC’s internal paralysis is having a direct impact on national politics. The two major parties—CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center)—have already clarified their positions on recent political developments. The UML maintains that the current government is unconstitutional and that the events of Sept 8–9 represent a regression; it has declared that it will not accept any elections held under Prime Minister Sushila Karki. The Maoist Center, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, on the other hand, has decided to move ahead with the elections. The Nepali Congress, however, remains undecided. Immediately after the protests, the party had joined others in declaring the formation of the Karki government unconstitutional and in supporting the restoration of Parliament. But since then, its stance has become fragmented.

The leadership vacuum has allowed individual leaders to voice their own positions. General Secretary Thapa and his supporters favor holding elections and are engaging in talks with Prime Minister Karki, while Khadka and other senior leaders have remained silent. Meanwhile, a faction within the party has begun a signature campaign demanding the restoration of Parliament. One top leader commented, “The chances of holding elections appear slim. The only way to save the constitution is by restoring Parliament.”

NC leader Prakash Sharan Mahat has argued that the party should focus on addressing the national crisis instead of being consumed by internal disputes. “There has been no meaningful discussion on the national agenda, and that is unfortunate,” he said. “We should have been debating the causes of the crisis, possible solutions, and the party’s leadership role, but that has not happened.”

Saroj Kumar Yadav has been appointed as the Chief Minister of Madhesh Province. 

Provincial Chief Sumitra Subedi appointed Yadav, CPN-UML Madhes Province Parliamentary Party leader, as the Chief Minister in accordance with Article 168, (3) of the Constitution on Sunday.

As Nepal moves toward the March 5 elections, tensions between Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government and the main opposition, the Communist Party of Nepal–Unified MarxistLeninist (CPN-UML), have intensified. What began as political disagreement has evolved into a full-blown confrontation, with the UML positioning itself as the principal challenger to Karki’s administration.

Nepal’s political environment remains volatile since the promulgation of the new constitution in 2015. The three major parties—the Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have alternated between alliances and rivalries amid frequent government changes.
 

Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) was among the first to claim credit for saving the country from a constitutional crisis after the turmoil of September 8–9. He has since positioned himself as a key supporter and negotiator in the formation of the Karki-led government, even announcing early on that elections would be held on March 5.

Over the past few weeks, the relationship between the UML and the government has deteriorated sharply. PM Karki has reportedly refused to meet top leaders of the major political parties, including Dahal, UML Chair KP Sharma Oli, and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba. At a recent press conference, she allegedly remarked that she “does not want to see the faces” of the three senior leaders, suggesting they should retire and make way for younger politicians.

This statement provoked strong reactions from both Oli and Dahal, though the latter remains broadly supportive of the government. Maoist leaders have accused Oli of failing to adapt to changing political realities, while UML leaders have denounced the Karki administration as “unconstitutional.”

In contrast, the Nepali Congress has maintained a cautious stance—neither overtly supporting nor openly criticizing the government—choosing to avoid the kind of direct confrontation pursued by the UML.

Two major issues have fueled the government-UML conflict. First, early in her tenure, PM Karki reportedly held consultations with security agency chiefs regarding the possible arrest of KP Sharma Oli over his alleged responsibility for the deaths of 19 students during the September 8 protests. The move infuriated the UML.

Soon afterward, a probe committee led by Gauri Bahadur Karki—under government pressure, according to UML leaders—suspended Oli’s passport and restricted his movement outside the Kathmandu Valley. Oli has repeatedly complained that he has been prevented from visiting his burned-down house in Jhapa, allegedly destroyed by protesters.

Meanwhile, Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal’s sharp remarks against UML leaders have further deepened hostilities. UML politburo member Mahesh Basnet has emerged as a leading voice against the government, organizing rallies and public programs that the Home Ministry has condemned as provocative.

At the heart of the dispute lies the contrasting interpretation of the September 8–9 protests.
The Karki government views the unrest as a “Gen-Z revolt”, a spontaneous youth uprising reflecting generational frustration. The UML, however, insists it was a political conspiracy aimed at undermining the party and destabilizing the country.

According to UML leaders, Gen-Z activists withdrew on the afternoon of September 8, and the subsequent violence on September 9 cannot be considered part of a youth movement. Oli has repeatedly dismissed the term Gen-Z, calling it “a western construct irrelevant to Nepal’s socio-political reality.”

UML has rejected the legitimacy of the Karki-led government, accusing it of acting unconstitutionally. On November 9, Oli alleged that “those who set the country on fire” during the protests are the same individuals now in power. The UML has declared a nationwide protest campaign, from grassroots mobilization to mass demonstrations in Kathmandu, to challenge what it calls a “repressive and illegitimate regime.”

As the government finalizes preparations for the March 5 elections, the UML is mobilizing on the streets, setting the stage for a high-stakes showdown. Meanwhile, the Karki administration has demanded the restoration of Parliament to establish what it calls a legitimate constitutional mandate.