Nepali Congress: That other party
The intrigues inside the ruling Nepal Communist Party are creating all the headlines. And rightly so. PM Oli could struggle to mount a strong challenge to what has been billed as an ‘internal coup’ against him. His health is iffy. His command over the party is fast slipping. In this situation, talking about the Nepali Congress—that other, comparably miniscule party in the national parliament that is often ridiculed for its ineffectual and uninspiring leadership—may seem like an exercise in futility. And yet the recent ructions in the Grand Old Party will have a lasting impact.
The main opposition party is convening its General Convention, its top decision-making body, in the first week of February 2021. Incumbent party President Sher Bahadur Deuba, 73, is looking to hang on, even after the party under him got a drubbing in the 2017 elections. Other party leaders wanted him to take responsibility and resign; Deuba asked why only he had to pay.
Deuba could face a tough challenge from Dr Shekhar Koirala who has been widely canvassing the country trying to drum up support for his candidacy for the president. He believes he is the right scion of the Koirala family and that Dr Shashank Koirala, the other Koirala candidate for presidency, should make way for him. But Shashank, whose legacy as late BP’s son is unmatched and who got the popular vote during the last general convention en route to his election as general secretary, is in no mood to concede. Sujata Koirala, the daughter of late Girija Prasad, could also throw her hat in the ring at the last minute.
Ram Chandra Poudel, 75, who feels other senior leaders have long cheated him of party presidency, and even prime minister’s chair, thinks his time has finally come. Prakash Man Singh, another senior leader from the Poudel camp, also wants to fight for presidency. But if Poudel enters the ring, Singh is likely to settle for vice-president again.
The common feeling is that the Nepali Congress will struggle to be a competitive force again so long as the old bunch of leaders don’t retire and hand over leadership to younger Turks like Gagan Thapa, 43, and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, 49. Yet these leaders are likely to settle for general secretary, the second most powerful executive post, this time around. From the Deuba camp, spokesperson Bishwa Prakash Sharma is likely to fight for general secretary. Shekhar Koirala is trying to woo Gagan Thapa into his camp as a general secretary candidate.
There seems to be a clear choice for other camps fighting Deuba. Either they choose a common candidate against the four-time prime minister, or Deuba wins again. “If there are multiple candidates, Deuba is sure to win again,” says senior NC leader Hom Nath Dahal, who has closely worked with Deuba in the past. No offense. But a Deuba win is not what most folks in or outside the party are looking forward to.
Nepali Congress bigwigs jostle for a supremacy after general convention dates out
With the announcement of its General Convention date, the race for the posts of party president and general secretary, the two top executive posts in the Nepali Congress, is heating up.After a long tussle among rival factions over convention procedures, the grand old party has decided to hold it in the first week of February 2021. Rival factions have intensified preparations to garner convention representatives.
The party has also unveiled the itinerary for its local and provincial conventions and for the finalization of convention representatives with voting rights. For party president, at least four top leaders—namely incumbent party president Sher Bahadur Deuba, senior leader Ram Chandra Poudel, General Secretary Shashank Koirala and Central Working Committee member Shekhar Koirala—have staked their claims.
Four-time Prime Minister Deuba is again going for presidency, as he says he will retire only after again making NC a ‘great party’. The party had badly lost the 2017 federal and provincial elections, and Deuba copped most of the blame for his supposed weak leadership. There was pressure on Deuba to step down; Deuba in turn argued that the party should take collective responsibility for the poor electoral outcome.
Deuba wants to be the party president till the next national elections in 2023 and to regain the party’s strength to prove that he is a capable leader. At the same time, according to insiders, Deuba is still in a dilemma about his successor and there is intense competition in the faction for the same: Bimalendra Nidhi, Purna Bahadur Khadka, Gyanendra Bahadur Karki, Prakash Sharan Mahat, Biswoprakash Sharma, and Bal Krishna Khand are all in the fray.
From the main rival faction, Poudel, a senior leader and ex-vice president, is fighting for party presidency this time. He reckons he should be the president at least once after repeatedly being denied the opportunity.
“As a senior leader, Poudel’s candidacy is natural,” says NC leader Nabindra Raj Joshi. Prakash Man Singh, another senior leader from the Poudel camp, also wants to fight for presidency after having already served as general secretary and vice-president. But if Poudel fights from this camp, Singh is likely to settle for vice-president again.
The next Koirala
From the Koirala camp, there are at least two candidates for party president. Senior leader Shekhar Koirala has already launched a nationwide campaign. In the past two years, he has been continuously canvassing the country. Incumbent General Secretary Shanshank Koirala is also vying for party presidency. Both Koiralas say there will be a single candidate from the Koirala family. But who? Shekhar has kept himself away from factional politics, while Shashank, who belongs to the Poudel faction, is also trying to project himself as being above factional politics. “Shekhar Koirala has been preparing for long and he seems to be in no mood to backtrack,” Joshi says.
In the previous convention in 2016, senior leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula had also fought for party presidency. This time, he is not fighting but is still leading an important faction. There is also a possibility of the Poudel, Koirala and Situala camps coming together to beat Deuba. In that case, it would be hard for Deuba to win. A leader requesting anonymity said a formula could be worked out whereby senior leader Poudel will be party candidate for prime minister after the next election, in which case either Shanshank or Shekhar would be candidates for party president. Poudel is not sold on this idea though.
Shashank Koirala, son of veteran NC leader BP, is in popular among party rank and file, mainly elder cadres. He won the popular votes while vying for the post of general secretary at the 2016 convention. If there is no agreement among Poudel, Koirala, and Sitaula factions, there could be multiple candidates for president, a situation that will be to Deuba’s favor. “If there are multiple candidates, Deuba is sure to win again,” says senior NC leader Hom Nath Dahal, who has closely worked with Deuba in the past.
Young hopes
Voices in the party are growing that leadership should be handed over to youth leaders. Yet no youth leader is likely to be the party president in the upcoming convention, even if one of them could be the general secretary. All factions seem ready to give more space to young leaders, partly because of the feeling that youth leaders can regain the party’s strength and fight the mighty communist forces.
Even senior leaders think youths should get more leadership roles. What is going for the youths is that “there is widespread frustration over the leadership and there is also the anti-incumbency factor,” Dahal says.
From the Deuba camp, spokesperson Biswoprakash Sharma is likely to fight for general secretary. Shekhar Koirala is trying to woo Gagan Thapa into his camp. According to party leaders, Thapa is almost sure to fight for general secretary. But there are challenges for youth leaders too.
In both Poudel and Deuba camps, there are influential older leaders who want to be general secretary. For instance, Ram Sharan Mahat, Arjun Narsingh KC, and Minendra Rijal are vying for senior positions from the Koirala camp. Similarly, Deuba has the challenge of managing leaders such as Gyanendra Bahadur Karki, Bal Krishna Khand, and Prakash Sharan Mahat. There is also the possibility of these leaders being managed at the provincial levels.
The previous general convention was held in 2016. The party statute says the convention should take place every four years, although there is room to push it off by a year. Soon after the party’s defeat in the 2017 elections, there was pressure on Deuba to call the convention in order to elect a new leadership. Deuba dismissed such demands. Historically, there has been a tendency in the Nepali Congress to indefinitely occupy the post of party president, barring youth leaders from leadership
January 25-26, 1947: Nepali National Congress formed, and Tanka Prasad Acharya, who was serving life imprisonment at the time, becomes president. BP Koirala is chosen acting president.
March 13, 1947: The party launches a massive countrywide anti-Rana regime demonstration. A labor movement is started at the Biratnagar Jute Mill under the leadership of Girija Prasad Koirala.
April 9, 1950: Nepali Congress formed through the merger of Nepali National Congress (established on 25 January 1947) and Nepal Democratic Congress (4 August 1948) in Calcutta, India, and an armed struggle is heralded. Matrika Prasad Koirala becomes the party president.
September 26-27, 1950: The Bairgania Conference adopts the strategy of the armed revolt to overthrow the Rana regime.
November 6, 1950: The armed revolution starts with the support of King Tribhuvan who was in exile at the time.
February 18, 1951: The Rana regime falls, the Rana-Nepali Congress coalition government is formed on a parity basis, with Mohan Shumshere again serving as the prime minister.
May 23-26, 1952: The NC’s fifth National Convention at Janakpur elects BP Koirala party president.
January 24-25, 1956: The sixth National Convention in Birgunj adopts the principles of democratic socialism and decentralization for social transformation. Subarna Shumshere elected as the president.
May 23, 1957: The Special National Convention in Biratnagar, Morang, reelects BP as party president.
February 18, 1959: First nationwide parliamentary election held with Nepali Congress getting two-thirds majority (74 out of 109 seats of parliament).
May 27, 1959: First elected government of Nepal formed under Prime Minister BP Koirala.
May 7-13, 1960: BP Koirala elected party president by the Seventh National Convention in Kathmandu.
December 1961: Another armed revolt kicks off following King Mahendra’s 1959 coup.
February 12, 1976: BP nominates KP Bhattarai acting president of Nepali Congress.
January 17, 1992: KP Bhattarai elected party president by the Eighth National Convention in Kalwalgudhi, Jhapa. Due to the erstwhile ban on political parties, the eighth convention was held 31 years after the seventh.
May 11, 1996: Girija Prasad Koirala elected party President by the Ninth National Convention in Kathmandu.
January 22, 2001: GP Koirala re-elected party president at the Tenth National Convention in Pokhara, Kaski.
June 18, 2002: Sher Bahadur Deuba breaks the party, forms his own, and calls it the real Nepali Congress. The party is later named Nepali Congress (Democratic).
August 30-September2, 2005: The 11th Party Convention reelects GP Koirala as the party president. One of the convention’s highlights is a resolution to delete constitutional monarchy from party statute.
25 September 2007: Nepali Congress (Democratic) and Nepali Congress merge.
22 September, 2010: Sushil Koirala becomes party president.
March 7, 2016: Sher Bahadur Deuba becomes party president.
After Xi came
As the level of engagement between the two countries increases, the currently stable Nepal-China relations are likely to more and more resemble the topsy-turvy Nepal-India ties. Right now, the communist government in Kathmandu seems committed to closer cooperation with Beijing, come what may. Pursued wisely, this policy of engagement with the Middle Kingdom could pay off. China seems committed to closer ties following the long-awaited Nepal visit by Xi Jinping last October. “The visit by a Chinese president after 23 years has helped scale up trust at the top political level, which in turn has had a positive impact on other bilateral issues,” says Rupak Sapkota, deputy executive director of the Institute of Foreign Affairs, a government think-tank. The spreading coronavirus contagion in China could dent cooperation a bit, particularly in tourism. Nepal will now struggle to meet its goal of bringing 500,000 Chinese tourists in 2020. Otherwise, according to Sapkota, China has already assured of “special arrangements to offset the effects of coronavirus in projects, tourism, and other areas.”
The Chinese seem keen on improving the condition of the two roads linking the two countries: Araniko Highway and Kathmandu-Rasuwagadhi Highway as they believe that the much-touted rail-link could take some time to materialize, given the difficult terrains it has to pass through. If the two major road links can be turned to all-season routes, as China wants, bilateral trade could see a big boost.
Says Mrigendra Bahadur Karki, executive director of the Center for Nepal and Asian Studies, China has been in ‘action-mode’ in Nepal following Xi’s visit.
Headway in Chinese projects following Xi' s Nepal Visit
Chinese President XI Jinping’s Nepal visit last October seems to have served as a catalyst to push forward several impending bilateral issues and projects. Apart from the agreements and understandings signed, the visit helped resolve other pending issues as well.Xi was the first Chinese president to visit Nepal after a 23-year hiatus. During his visit, the two countries signed 20 agreements and understandings. Before that, Nepali President Bidya Devi Bhandari had visited China in April 2019 to take part in the second Belt and Road Forum where she held high-level meetings and signed some agreements.
“The visit by a Chinese president after 23 years has helped scale up trust at the top political level, which in turn has had a positive impact on other bilateral issues,” says Rupak Sapkota, deputy executive director of the Institute of Foreign Affairs, a government think-tank. He adds that an environment of trust is already seen in multiple sectors.
Agreements are being implemented at a faster clip, although the coronavirus outbreak has affected them somewhat. “But as far as I know, the Chinese side has already assured Nepal that it would make special arrangements to offset the effects of coronavirus in projects, tourism, and other areas,” Sapkota says. After Xi’s visit, around two dozen Chinese delegations have come on follow-up visits to Nepal.
“At present, China and Nepal are stepping up efforts to implement the important agreements made by the leaders; some projects have already made progress,” said Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Hou Yanqi during a recent press meet.
Of late, the cross-border railway has been a hot topic of discussion. But due to the difficult terrains, the railway line will command tremendous resources, time, and cutting-edge technology. Regardless, the two sides are making progress on the rail line. After pre-feasibility, they have agreed to a three-phase feasibility study. In recent meetings, officials have agreed on what each side needs to do. Talks are also underway for the Kathamndu-Pokhara-Lumbini railway lines.
Roads over rails
As the railway is still under study, it may take some time yet. At the moment, construction of new roads and upgrade of old ones remain a priority. There has already been some progress in upgrading two major roads connecting Nepal and China: Araniko Highway and Kathmandu-Rasuwagadhi Highway.
The Chinese side is helping the Department of Roads in the third phase of maintenance of Aranika Highway, which was damaged by the 2015 earthquakes. There has also been an agreement to expand and blacktop Syaphrubesi-Rasuwagadhi section of the Kathmandu-Rasuwagadi Highway. Yet with the Nepali side is yet to demolish roadside structures and remove electricity poles, there have also been delays. Once this phase is done, the road expansion will start in earnest.
If these two major highways come into operation in all seasons, they are expected to greatly boost bilateral trade. Due to the difficult terrains, the two sides have also agreed to build two tunnels along the highways to ease connectivity. An agreement to this effect was signed during Xi’s visit. “To facilitate the railway project, the process of building tunnels has moved forward,” Prime Minister KP Oli said while addressing the parliament on February 15. A team of Chinese technical officials is already in Nepal to study the tunnels’ feasibility.
Mrigendra Bahadur Karki, executive director of the Center for Nepal and Asian Studies, says that after Xi’s visit, China has been in action-mode in Nepal, which means all agreements signed during the visit will progress swiftly. “Xi came after the formation of a stable government in Nepal. It indicates China was in favor of a stable government so that projects could be implemented,” Karki says. “Obviously, China has become more proactive in Nepal, and this level of activity is only expected to rise.”
Delivering diversification
There has also been progress in the implementation of the Transit and Transport Agreement signed in 2016 as well. The follow-up protocol implementation agreement was signed during President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s Beijing visit last year. The protocol came into effect on 1 January 2020. As per the agreement, Nepal is allowed the use of four Chinese ports for third-country trade and transit, in what is considered a major progress in changing Nepal’s land-locked status. It is a part of Nepal’s broader foreign policy of diversifying its trade and transit facilities.
There has also been a joint feasibility study for bilateral free trade agreement. China has been urging Nepal to sign the agreement at the earliest, but Nepal insists it needs more homework. The two countries are also in the process of choosing a location for China-Nepal Cross-border Economic Cooperation Zone, and officials have already held a few rounds of talks in this regard.
Similarly, the two countries have agreed to hand over each other’s citizens who illegally cross the border, as a part of an agreement reached during XI’s visit on the boundary management system. Both the countries are working to implement the agreement, even with concerns that such provisions could be misused to forcefully repatriate Tibetan refugees.
Bilateral trade is also booming even though trade imbalance with China remains a concern. But things may be improving for Nepal. According to data provided by the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu, “In the first 10 months of 2019, the trade volume between China and Nepal reached US $1.2 billion, an increase of 36.1 percent year-on-year, of which Nepal’s export to China increased by 58.1 percent.”
There is also increased collaboration in tourism. With Xi’s visit, the number of Chinese tourists is expected to rise, notwithstanding the effects of the coronavirus epidemic. Chinese investment is increasing every year; it is already the largest investor in recent years. In fiscal 2018/19, China's investment in Nepal was US $114 million.
Progress amid uncertainty
Despite progress in other areas, the finalization of projects under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is still being hindered. The two countries are yet to select BRI projects mainly due to differences over investment modality. Sapkota of the government think-tank blames the bureaucracy’s tardiness for the slow progress. “It is the responsibility of the taskforce formed under our foreign secretary to finalize technical details and present them to political leaders who can then settle other issues,” Sapkota says. Nepal had signed the BRI framework agreement in May 2017, and the government had initially identified three dozen projects under it, which has now been cut to nine.
Ajaya Bhadra Khanal, research director at the Center for Social Inclusion and Federalism, says that China has adopted a policy of slowly but steadily expanding bilateral relations after Xi’s visit. “Infrastructure projects are in the preparatory stage, so there is not much visible progress. China has given priority to areas such as cultural relations, strategic community and people-to-people ties,” adds Khanal, who has been involved in an in-depth research of Chinese engagement in Nepal in the recent past. “Enhancing political relationships is another priority area for China. China is developing ties not only inside the ruling Nepal Communist Party but also with the main opposition Nepali Congress and other parties.”
Even though there may in the future be many upheavals in Nepal-China ties, it is hard to see the increased level of engagement between them decrease
Was it worth it?
“Without the Maoist revolution, there would have been no Constituent Assembly, and without the Constituent Assembly, none of the recent progressive changes would have been possible,” says Devendra Paudel, a former Maoist leader and now a standing committee member of the ruling Nepal Communist Party.
February 13th marked the 25th anniversary of the start of the Maoist ‘people’s war’ that kicked off in 1996 and formally ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord in 2006. As ex-Maoist leaders like Paudel put it, the decade-long war—in which around 17,000 people were killed and nearly 1,300 made to ‘disappear’—brought about revolutionary changes in Nepali society. According to its backers, the war was instrumental in the removal of monarchy, heralding of the new federal republic, empowerment of women and other marginalized groups in various ways, and in creating greater political awareness.
“Think about it. None of it would have been possible under the old 1990 constitution,” says Paudel.
Yet there is also no shortage of harsh critics of the civil war who reckon the progressive changes that the Maoists take credit for could have come even without the bloodshed. If the Maoists could bring about these changes through the barrels of their guns, they wouldn’t have had to lay down their arms and agree to a peaceful movement with other political parties, goes the counter-argument. And it was this peaceful movement that overthrew the monarchy and brought about progressive changes. Moreover, even without the Maoist war, these changes were inevitable in a fast-modernizing world. What the war did instead, add the critics, was push Nepal’s development back by at least a decade and institutionalize a culture of violence.
The debate continues, even as the mother Maoist outfit under Pushpa Kamal Dahal that waged the civil war is no longer in existence. With the armed phase of the Maoist movement apparently over, the party has merged with a mainstream communist party and the combined outfit now leads the government. When the mother Maoist outfit joined peaceful politics, dissent in the party had reached a new height, as the hardliners refused to accept the ‘surrender’ before parliamentary forces. As a result, multiple Maoist outfits splintered away. A few of them are still out to complete the ‘great revolution’ with guns.
“The most important question we have to ask while evaluating the Maoist insurgency is if it achieved its stated goal,” says Bhojraj Pokharel, a political analyst. “It didn’t. They talked about establishing a completely new system, and they failed.” Pokharel says the former revolutionaries have instead been thoroughly co-opted into the corrupt system they wanted to do away with. “This makes me wonder if all the violence was worth it,” Pokharel muses
The Americas: Much more than the US
Seldom are other countries in the Americas, save for the US and Canada, discussed in Nepal. But on 25 January 2019, developments in the Latin American country of Venezuela created ripples here. On that day co-chair of Nepal Communist Party Pushpa Kamal Dahal issued a statement, saying he “strongly denounces the US and its allies’ intervention in the internal affairs of Venezuela...”
Never mind the Venezuela fiasco. There is otherwise limited economic, political, cultural or people-to-people exchange between Nepal and countries in the Americas. This final part of our APEX series examines the status of bilateral relations with countries in the American continent except the United States (which we dealt with in a separate series). Embassies and missions in Brazil, Canada, Washington DC and Nepal’s Permanent Mission in New York look after all the countries in the Americas with which Nepal has diplomatic ties.
Diplomatic relations with countries of this region are slowly expanding. For instance, there was a significant development in Nepal-Costa Rica relations when Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli paid an official visit to the country in September 2018 at the invitation of Costa Rican President Carlos Alvarado Quesada. The two countries agreed to collaborate in areas of climate change, women empowerment, rule of law, and agriculture. Such cooperation could deepen in the days ahead.
“Latin American and Asian countries, especially China and India, are increasingly looking to deepen their economic, trade, investment and diplomatic as well as in some cases security and defense ties,” says Anil Sigdel, Director at NepalmattersforAmerica.org, a Washington-based think-tank. “This could be an opportunity for Nepal.”
Nepal has long and deep engagement with Canada, and preparations are underway to send Nepali migrant workers to Canada to work in agriculture, livestock, and hospitality. Canada receives half a million migrant workers from different countries every year, and the government of Nepal is requesting Canada to accept Nepali nationals as well.
Mexico is another country with which Nepal has a long diplomatic relation, even though Nepal does not have an embassy there. Mexico’s private sector has an interest in Nepal’s hydropower, tourism, and infrastructure.
“As Latin America looks beyond traditional partners such as Europe and the US, and converges with Asia in the framework of South-South cooperation, Nepal already has an advantage,” says Sigdel. “But for Nepal to engage with Latin America and benefit from its new business dynamism, it is vital that more Nepalis learn regional languages like Spanish and Portuguese.”
The Americas might seem distant. But as Nepal looks to diversify its foreign policy in this globalizing world, they could as yet play an important role in boosting Nepal’s trade, tourism and investment.
On 25 January 2019, developments in the Latin American country of Venezuela created ripples in Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles. On that day co-chair of Nepal Communist Party Pushpa Kamal Dahal issued a statement, completely out of the blue, saying he “strongly denounces the US and its allies’ intervention in the internal affairs of Venezuela...”
There is little meaningful engagement between Nepal and Venezuela. But some leaders of NCP and fringe parties feel close to Nicolas Maduro’s country on ideological grounds. Or they at least betray some ideological affinity for governments with communist backgrounds. Dahal’s statement put Nepal government in a fix. The US, Nepal’s longtime ally, strongly objected and sought a clear government position.
The government seems to have learned. Referring to the ongoing discussions on the MCC inside the ruling party, government spokesperson Gokul Banskota said on January 30 this year: “We have an example of issuing press statement three times in the case of Venezuela. So Nepal should not try to explain the strategy and policy
of big powers.”
There is limited economic, political, cultural and people-to-people exchange between Nepal and countries in the Americas. But Nepal is trying to expand its diplomatic footprints there. This final part of our APEX series examines the status of bilateral relations with countries in the American continent except the United States (which we dealt with in a separate series).
Embassies and missions in Brazil, Canada, Washington DC and Nepal’s Permanent Mission in New York look after all the countries in the Americas with which Nepal has diplomatic ties.
Former Foreign Secretary Madan Kumar Bhattarai reiterates that except for the US and Canada, and to some extent Brazil, Nepal’s engagement in other American countries is minimal. “They are very far from Nepal,” Bhattarai says. “Among South American countries, Brazil is an emerging, hydropower-rich economy, which is why our engagement with it has somewhat increased.”
Wasted energy?
Of late, Nepal has been accused of haphazardly opening embassies in countries including in the Americas, with a question mark on their performance. But Bhattarai reckons aid utilization by smaller American countries could be an area of study for Nepal. “Some like Chile have been outstanding in the utilization of aid provided by Japan and other developed countries.”
One thing that brings Nepal and those countries somewhat closer is the Non-Aligned Movement. The United Nations operations, the Least Developing Countries (LDCs), and other international platforms provide added space for engagement.
Diplomatic relations with countries of this region are slowly expanding. For instance, there was a significant development in Nepal-Costa Rica relations when Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli paid an official visit to the country in September 2018 at the invitation of Costa Rican President Carlos Alvarado
Quesada. The two countries agreed to collaborate in areas of climate change, women empowerment, rule of law, and agriculture. They also agreed to work together on various multilateral forums. Foreign policy observers, however, criticized the PM’s visit
as worthless.
The two countries had established bilateral relations in 1977. Notwithstanding the criticism our PM copped, Nepal could possibly learn from Costa Rica on how to achieve the right balance between environment and development. The country has set a sterling example in renewable energy.
“Latin American and Asian countries, especially China and India, are increasingly looking to deepen their economic, trade, investment and diplomatic as well as in some cases security and defense ties, says Anil Sigdel, Director at NepalmattersforAmerica.org, a Washington-based think-tank. “This could be an opportunity for Nepal.”
“The increasing connectivity between the Americas and Asia is good news for Nepal as the country is well-known for its Himalayas and its rich culture throughout Latin America and the Caribbean,” Sigdel adds. The growing number of Latin American tourists visiting India and China, he reckons, could easily extend their trip by a few days to come to Nepal.
Meanwhile, bilateral relations with Argentina are also evolving. Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali visited Argentina to attend the Second High-level UN Conference on South-South Cooperation. During the visit, he met Vice Foreign Minister of Argentina, Gustavo Zaluvinen. The two discussed better bilateral ties and economic linkages.
Nepal also has friendly relations with Cuba, even though there are no economic and political ties between the two. Cuba had sent a team of medical doctors in the immediate aftermath of the 2015 earthquakes. Moreover, Nepal has adopted a formal position on Cuba-US relations: “Nepal always stands in favor of normalization of bilateral relation between the United
States and Cuba.”
The Caribbean country of Saint Lucia is the latest to establish diplomatic relations with Nepal (in 2019). Both Nepal and Saint Lucia are members of the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement.
Thaw with Canada
Nepal has long and deep engagement with Canada, and preparations are underway to send Nepali migrant workers to Canada to work in agriculture, livestock, and hospitality. Canada receives half a million migrant workers from different countries every year, and the government of Nepal is requesting Canada to accept Nepali migrants as well. (Canada does not have an embassy in Kathmandu and its mission in New Delhi looks Nepal affairs.)
PM KP Oli met his Canadian counterpart Justin Trudeau in 2018, marking the first high-level meeting between Nepal and Canada after the establishment of diplomatic relations. Till date, around 90 Canadians have ascended Mt. Everest, and around 50,000 Nepalis currently live in Canada. Moreover, around 7,000 Bhutanese refugees of Nepali origin have been resettled in Canada. Trade between two countries is miniscule even although political relationship seems to be picking up.
Canada-Nepal Parliamentary Friendship Group was formed in the Canadian parliament on 4 October 2016; it organizes regular exchange visits. There has been bilateral development cooperation through the Canadian International Development Agency since 1970s, with the earliest cooperation noted in 1952 via the Colombo Plan. After Nepal’s 2006 political change, Canada supported democratic transition and the peace process. On trade, there is duty free access to some Nepali products in the Canadian market.
Nepal exports tea, coffee, spices, animal fodder, articles of leather, handbags, paper, paper-board, wadding, felt and nonwovens, special yarns, ropes and cables to Canada. In turn, it imports edible vegetables, dried peas, lentils, certain roots and tubes, nuclear reactors, boilers, machinery and mechanical appliances and parts, and aircraft from the North American country. Of late, Canada’s private sector has shown an interest in Nepal’s energy sector.
Energy, rural development, health, aviation, education, geographical survey, agriculture, poverty alleviation, health care, and food security are areas of Canada’s support for Nepal.
In recent years, engagement with Jamaica is also on the rise. Tourism Minister of Jamaica Edward Bartlett had even taken part at the inaugural event of Visit Nepal Year 2020 in Kathmandu.
As Bhattarai the ex-foreign secretary hinted, Brazil has been enjoying outstanding economic growth in recent decades—possibly a reason for growing relation between Brazil and Nepal. There is technical cooperation between the two countries, and a bilateral consultation mechanism is also in place.
Mexico is another country with which Nepal has a long diplomatic relation, even though Nepal does not have an embassy there (Nepal’s Ambassador to the US serves as non-resident envoy to Mexico. Likewise, the Mexican Ambassador to India is accredited to Nepal as well.) Mexico’s private sector has an interest in Nepal’s hydropower, tourism, and infrastructure projects.
“As Latin America looks beyond traditional partners such as Europe and the US, and converges with Asia in the framework of South-South cooperation, Nepal already has an advantage,” says Sigdel of the Washington-based think-tank. “But for Nepal to meaningfully engage with Latin America and benefit from its new business dynamism, it is vital that more Nepalis learn regional languages like Spanish
and Portuguese."
