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Nepal’s interim Prime Minister, Sushila Karki, has outlined the priorities and limitations of her government, whose sole mandate is to conduct national elections within six months. Analysis of Karki’s address suggests her primary focus is to hold the elections. She also sent a clear message to Gen-Z protestors that the government cannot address demands that fall outside the current constitutional framework.

 In her first address to the nation since assuming office on September 12, PM Karki made it clear that a constitutional amendment will not take place before the national elections scheduled for March 5 next year.  She emphasized that issues raised by the Gen-Z movement—such as constitutional reform and changes to the system of governance—fall outside the jurisdiction of the interim government. "I want to request the Nepali people who are in favor of change, including the young generation, to participate in the upcoming elections and work to amend the constitution through the constitutional process," Karki said.

Her remarks come at a time when a section of protestors, backed by Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah, is demanding a shift to a directly elected presidential system, moving away from the current parliamentary setup. Shah, a vocal critic of mainstream political leaders, has been a prominent supporter of the protests.

Karki’s stance is expected to draw criticism from Shah's supporters. However, two major political parties—the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML—are likely to back her position that the constitution cannot and should not be amended before the elections. Meanwhile, the third-largest party, CPN (Maoist Centre), supports the idea of a directly elected president and a fully proportional electoral system but acknowledges that a constitutional amendment is not possible in the absence of a functioning legislature. 

The Nepali Congress and CPN-UML have yet to hold formal party meetings in the presence of Sher Bahadur Deuba and KP Sharma Oli, However, both leaders are facing growing pressure from within their parties to step down, as grassroots members call for leadership change in line with the aspirations of the youth. 

While major political parties are not opposing the elections, they have called for improvements in law and order to ensure a conducive environment for voting. President Ram Chandra Poudel has instructed PM Karki not to introduce any ordinances beyond the scope of facilitating elections. Acting on a cabinet recommendation, he has issued an ordinance amending the Voter Registration Act, 2073 BS, and the government has already consulted with the Election Commission to streamline the electoral process. Karki reiterated the government's commitment to holding free and fair elections, urging all political parties to participate and represent the aspirations of the youth.

This marks the first time PM Karki has formally addressed political parties. Initially, she avoided including party representatives in the interim government, fearing backlash from Gen-Z protestors. Although the major parties opposed the dissolution of Parliament, they have accepted the upcoming elections—provided the government ensures a fair environment.

In an attempt to address protestors' demands, PM Karki announced that the government will take action against those responsible for the killing of 21 youths in a police firing incident on September 8. There is a mounting pressure to take action against then-Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak. To investigate the incident, the government has formed a judicial commission led by former judge Gauri Bahadur Karki, which has already begun its work. Local media reports suggest the government is considering imposing travel bans on top political leaders.

Corruption is another major issue raised by the Gen-Z protestors. PM Karki assured the public that her government would take steps to curb corruption. She revealed that preliminary investigations have already unearthed past corruption cases. However, with the existing Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) in place, establishing a parallel commission faces constitutional and legal hurdles.

PM Karki also highlighted the limitations of her government. With a six-month tenure, she said it is not possible to resolve all the issues raised by the movement. However, she assured that the government would make a sincere effort within its mandate. Regarding recent media reports about large amounts of cash found in the private residence of former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, she confirmed that an investigation is underway.

While some Gen-Z protestors are calling for drastic changes, including scrapping the constitution and taking tougher actions against traditional political leaders, the government is under pressure to maintain a balanced approach to avoid disrupting the election environment. 

The government finds itself in a challenging position—trying to satisfy the protestors’ demands for justice and accountability, while also ensuring cooperation from major political parties. While Gen-Z protestors demand action against those responsible for the September 8 shootings and past corruption, political parties are urging a proper investigation into the burning of key state institutions such as the Parliament building, the judiciary, and Singha Durbar.

President Poudel has also cautioned PM Karki not to take any actions that would violate the constitution. During the government formation process, Karki had initially proposed dissolving Parliament, but President Poudel rejected the suggestion. She later recommended dissolution again, which the President approved.

Meanwhile, the international community—particularly the United States and the European Union—has voiced strong support for the protection of Nepal’s 2015 constitution and the conduct of timely, free, and fair elections. 

A delegation from the European Union met with PM Karki on Thursday to reaffirm their commitment to Nepal’s democracy, rule of law, and human rights. It appears that India, the US, and the EU are aligned in their stance on upholding constitutional order and supporting timely elections in Nepal. Nepal’s next door neighbor China, however, is yet to officially welcome the formation of the new government.  

Although Prime Minster Karki made it clear in her address that government’s sole priority is to hold elections, uncertainty still looms large. Questions remain over whether elections can be conducted within the six-month timeframe as political parties are still raising the questions of their security. Law and order remain a major concerns, with numerous police posts destroyed and over 8000 prisoners at large. Additionally, fears are growing that country’s economy may take a further hit, as the private sector was heavily targeted during the protests. 

Firstly, I extend my heartfelt congratulations to the newly appointed Prime Minister, Sushila Karki. Sushila Kari’s  appointment is not only historic but also deeply personal to me. Having worked alongside her in the legal fraternity, I have witnessed her journey up close—first as a lawyer, then as a judge, justice and eventually as the chief justice of Nepal. Our paths have often crossed in the Bar and Bench, where we shared the common pursuit of justice and fairness.

Beyond the professional sphere, there is also a sense of cultural and social affinity. Our birthplaces lie close to each other, and we were shaped by similar traditions and values. That shared background makes this moment even more meaningful to me. It gives me great satisfaction to see someone I once knew as a fellow lawyer, and later admired as the country’s first woman chief justice, now take on the mantle of interim prime minister.

However, with this happiness also comes responsibility. At this critical juncture, I feel it is important to share a few suggestions with her—drawn not only from my professional experience but also from my hopes for the nation.

Her appointment has come at a particularly critical moment in our national history. As someone who has spent her entire career interpreting, upholding, and shaping the law, Karki herself is the foremost authority on whether her elevation to the post of interim prime minister aligns with constitutional principles. She is not just a student of the law; she has been its interpreter, guardian, and defender. In that sense, there is little need for anyone else to lecture her on constitutional validity—she knows it better than most of us.

What is equally important is the response her appointment has received beyond our borders. Within hours of the announcement, messages of congratulations poured in from the United Nations, from our neighbor India—the world’s largest democracy—and from other nations. Such swift recognition is not just diplomatic formality; it is, in fact, an international endorsement of her leadership at a delicate time. This in itself is a powerful signal: the world is watching Nepal closely, and it stands ready to support her stewardship of the country in this transitional phase.

Yet, in my view, much of this international endorsement was less about constitutional propriety and more about symbolism. The world welcomed the fact that Nepal, for the first time in its history, has a woman prime minister. Beyond that symbolic achievement, however, the path to her appointment was far from the ideal parliamentary process. It was not the outcome of a broad democratic consensus but rather the product of pressure from a handful of immature and violent youths who, in the name of revolution, took to vandalizing public and private property, and even attacking politicians and their homes.

What disturbed me even more was the conspicuous silence of the security forces. The Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and even the Nepali Army—institutions entrusted with upholding law and order—stood by as these mobs unleashed violence. Their inaction gave the impression that even our security apparatuses had grown weary of the political class and, perhaps out of frustration, chose not to intervene much. This tacit disengagement raised troubling questions about the health of both our democracy and our institutions at a moment when the country desperately needed stability and restraint.

I may be wrong in my assessment, but those of us who understand the rule of law—the intellects, the thinkers and the practitioners—must not hesitate to speak the truth. Silence in the face of irregularities only allows society, leadership and government to stray from the right path.

With that in mind, my foremost suggestion to the interim prime minister is to actively engage in dialogue with the existing political parties, at least those represented in parliament. She must seek their acknowledgment of her leadership and, wherever possible, include members with clean reputations from these parties in her cabinet. Such inclusion is not a concession; it is a strategic necessity. Acceptance from these parties will be crucial for her governance, for building stability and for preparing the ground for upcoming parliamentary elections. Creating an environment of confidence among all stakeholders should be her priority, and the composition of her cabinet should reflect that goal—bringing in those who can genuinely facilitate dialogue, cooperation and a forward-looking political atmosphere.

It is equally important that the interim prime minister exercise discretion in selecting her ministers. She must avoid appointing populists or those who have become “heroes” overnight through social media. Expressing opinions online for popularity is one thing; offering sound advice and contributing to effective governance is quite another. For meaningful progress, the cabinet should consist of well-educated and experienced individuals capable of guiding the leadership with wisdom and foresight. By doing so, she can set a powerful precedent—stabilizing the country and restoring the standards of good governance.

Her focus must extend beyond political symbolism. She should prioritize solutions that strengthen peace and security, promote transparent and effective governance, combat corruption, and ensure free, fair and timely elections. These steps are essential not only for preserving the constitution but also for safeguarding the democratic framework and the future of our nation.

The author is a member of the Supreme Court Bar and has been practicing corporate law for around three decades

“For someone who believed that change in Nepal was impossible, this moment feels like a victory,” says 22-year-old Anish Maharjan, reflecting on the recent GenZ-led protests. 

Despite all the destruction and devastation, he is optimistic about the future. There was a time when Maharjan had lost all hope for the country. That all changed when the youth-led protests on Sept 8–9 brought the old political parties to their knees. 

The movement gained momentum with the appointment of Sushila Karki as the 42nd Prime Minister, sparking fresh hope for progress. “We are hoping for a country where merit is prioritized over nepotism, where living feels like a blessing, not a forced choice”, adds 20-year-old Seejal Rai from Kathmandu. 

She explains that youth frustration stems from a corrupt system that has failed to meet even basic needs. “From corruption to unemployment to political instability, there are many problems in this country. No wonder young people are concerned about their future.” 

On Sept 8, thousands of youths took to the streets across Nepal against the corrupt system. The demonstration escalated after security personnel gunned down dozens of protesters. “We want to make Nepal better,” says 18-year-old Uttam Pariyar, who joined the protests on Sept 8 and 9.

The wave of protest even reached abroad. Amar Lama, who is currently in Australia, describes his conflicting emotions. “The news about young people dying in protests shattered my heart. Now with the new government in place, I hope things will get better.” If opportunities existed at home, Lama says many youths like him would be in their own country.  

Psychologist Gopal Dhakal at MARC Nepal says the GenZ protests were the culmination of pent-up frustration and resentment against the corrupt political leaders. “Most people today seek fairness, equal opportunities, and a society free of corruption. When these things are denied, they will protest,” he adds.
The two-day protests were marked by violence, vandalism, and arson. Government buildings, police stations and private homes of politicians across the country were set alight; there were prison riots and lootings; and security personnel were overrun by angry mobs, forcing them to run for cover.

“On the afternoon of Sept 9, all I could hear was the sound of gunfire, with black columns of smoke rising in the sky,” says 23-year-old Sima Maharjan, who lives in the Baneshwar area. For others the horror of the protests came online. Asmita Bhujel recalls being shocked at the images and videos of young protesters who were shot by police. “It was too much to bear. I couldn’t find peace,” she says.

Psychologist Dhakal says such a situation can intensify anxiety and stress. “The barrage of misinformation on social media made matters worse.” 

Meanwhile, widespread destruction of businesses and office buildings have left many people jobless. Dhakal warns this could lead to further hopelessness and mental health issues.  

While social movements can indeed be transformative and bring the masses together, Dhakal says it is crucial to keep this unity intact for realizing the much-needed reforms and changes. “The protests have lit the spark, now everybody must channel their energy toward building a better country.”  

Shiva Raj Shrestha, who was part of the GenZ protests, says every honest, hard-working Nepali wanted this change. “I believe every generation aspired to see this change, and it was made possible through the collective effort of youth.” 

President Ramchandra Paudel has issued an ordinance amending the Voter Registration Act 2016, creating the way for the resumption of voter list compilation ahead of the elections for the House of Representatives.

The law removes legal obstacles that previously barred eligible but unregistered citizens from enrolling to vote. Following the amendment, the Election Commission (EC) is expected to announce a new timeline for voter registration. “After the issuance of the ordinance, the way has been opened for the compilation of the list of those who are eligible to vote according to the law. The Election Commission will take the necessary decision for that,” said Suman Ghimire, information officer at the Election Commission.

The amendment specifically targets Section 4, Subsection 2(2) of the Voter Registration Act, which had prevented new voter registrations during the pre-election period. “Without this change, many would have been unable to vote for the leader of their choice, which could have serious consequences on election day,” said Pradip Kumar Koirala, spokesperson for the Office of the President.

The decision is followed by  high-level discussions between President Paudel and Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki at Sheetal Niwas on Wednesday, where they reviewed the political situation, election security, and logistical preparations.

The urgency behind the ordinance appears to be influenced by the dramatic turn of events during the GenZ-led anti-corruption protests on Sept 8 and 9. What began as a peaceful youth movement against systemic corruption, prolonged political stagnation and restrictions on free speech escalated sharply—especially after the resignation of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli amid mounting pressure. 

The protests, initially peaceful, spiraled into violence, leaving over 70 people dead and amplifying public calls for electoral reforms and broader democratic participation. Against this backdrop, the swift reactivation of voter registration is being seen as a critical step toward addressing public demands for political accountability and change.

Soon after, on Sept 12, the interim government was formed with Sushila Karki as an interim prime minister and the election was set to happen on 5 March 2026 handing her all the work to the new elected leader. As the election was already set to happen, many young people were not aware. The change was from the young people and for them, however, a major issue surfaced: many young people—especially first-time voters—were unaware that once an election date is officially announced, voter registration is no longer permitted.  The problem arose here. Section 4, subsection 2 (2) of the Voter Registration Act, 2016, stipulates, “No person shall be registered in the voters’ list for the purpose of an election after the date of that election has been declared.”

On Sept 15, newly-appointed Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal announced that the government would offer a final opportunity for eligible citizens—including those previously left out—to register to vote. He also stated that the government plans to initiate the process for granting voting rights to Nepalis living abroad.

This legal barrier meant that only those who were already registered—mostly older generations—would be eligible to vote. According to the Election Commission’s provided report, 18,148,654 voters are listed for voting as of mid April–2024. In this, 8,410,896 were women, 9,267,572 were men and 186 denoted others.

Aayush Shakya, 30, who has been voting for years said that GenZ is doing a great job, but it’s important to be genuine about the intentions behind the movement. This shouldn’t be about supporting political parties or pushing certain names forward—it should simply be about being Nepali and working for the betterment of Nepal. Only when the country progresses will everything else—like opportunities, governance, and daily life—get better.

He explained, “That’s the mindset we all need to adopt. Even those who already have voter cards must understand this: it’s not about parties, money or short-term benefits like food or alcohol. If people truly thought about the long-term future of the country instead of personal gain, we would already be seeing real change. Now is the time to focus on the nation itself, not on who leads it. Because in the end, it doesn’t matter who’s in power if we the people don’t think and act for Nepal first.”

Bikram Shah, (name changed) 28, from Pokhara said, I had heard that once the election date was announced, voter registration wasn’t allowed—but now the government has made the bold decision by giving the opportunity to register our name and I fully support the current decision to reopen registration. This protest was led by GenZ, the younger generation, and many of them may not have registered to vote yet.”

He said that this is their chance to get their voter IDs and the voting can be the way to make that change real. Shah said, “All the sacrifices and bloodshed must lead the country toward something better and more hopeful. Honestly, I don’t believe that older voters—who have consistently voted for their so-called favorite leaders—will easily change their minds,” he added, “many older voters remain loyal to certain parties or leaders because of habit, community ties, pressure, small bribes or the belief that these leaders will be useful to them in the future. However, if the younger generation keeps pushing for accountability and continues to raise real, meaningful issues, it might eventually make them rethink their choices.” 

Shah said, “Change always takes time, but the momentum created by youth activism can slowly influence even the most stubborn voting patterns. The movement will bring change—just not overnight. It’s a process, but we’re on the right path.”

Swikriti K.C, 19, is excited to make a voter ID and vote for her leader by herself for the first time. She shared, “Looking at the current situation, I honestly think that if things go fairly, the results will be in favor of the youth. But at the same time, we all know how easily people in Nepal can be influenced—which makes us worried that some might fall for the same old tricks and end up making the wrong decision again.”

K.C added: If most GenZ citizens had their voter cards and made decisions based on proper information, I’m confident the results would lean toward real change. But sadly, many of us still don’t have our voter cards. That’s why it’s so important to spread awareness and make sure this information actually reaches those who need it. Because if we don’t, the same old “jhole gang” (party loyalists) will do what they always do—manipulate the system for their benefit.”

Alish Gurung, 24 said, “I am feeling amazing with the news that I will be making a voter card and now I realized the importance of the card too. In the past, many people—especially from the middle class—would vote for whichever party or leader offered them the most benefit, whether that was money, power or mere promises. Even those who already had voter cards would often vote based on who gave them something, not necessarily who was best for the country” he added,  “but now, seeing the recent GenZ protests, it feels like that mindset might finally be starting to change. People are beginning to realize how important it is to choose a strong and capable Prime Minister—because if the government isn’t stable, the country will always lag behind.”

Gurung highlighted: After witnessing all of this, I feel that the prevailing mindset may change. At the same time, it’s also true that GenZ never really had a chance to vote for the old leaders—we didn’t help elect them, but we’re still facing the consequences of their leadership. The hard part now is figuring out which leader is actually good for us and who isn’t. With so much news floating around online—and no way to verify what’s true and what’s fake—it’s hard to make a confident decision.