Submit your Article

Born to a father whose profession required traveling to different places, my journey as an internal tourist started quite early—two months after birth, to be exact. Since then, I, driven more by my father’s profession than my genuine interest, have been traveling. During these journeys, I’ve basked in the excruciatingly hot sun of Jhapa, learned how panipuri held its name as ‘puckha’ in Biratnagar, gotten the chance to smell the tea leaves of Ilam, imagined with utter bewilderment the life that my mother lived as a student in Dhankuta, deeply felt the people’s faith in deities in Saptari, and smelled the cosmopolitan air of Dharan.

After making it to almost every district of the Tarai region, I recently got a rare opportunity to travel to the mountainous region of the country. Often referred to as ‘Mahendra Lake’, the mid-western region of Nepal (Karnali Province) is home to a 167-meter-deep lake popularly known as the Rara. Turning the pages of history, we find that King Mahendra happened to discover the lake while traveling around the country on his helicopter. Spellbound by the beauty of the water body, he is said to have described the lake as ‘Swarga ki Apsara’ (a divine beauty).

Brimming with youthful vigor, I, along with four of my friends, recently hatched a 5-day trip to western Nepal. The itinerary first landed us in Nepalgunj. Fighting the scorching heat, we felt invigorated after tasting the trendy ‘Dhamboji Sekuwa’ there. The straight road, guarded by the vegetation of the Bardiya National Park on either side, escorted us to Surkhet, from where we kicked off our 8-hour-long Bolero trip to Jumla. While Padam Rai’s super hit ‘Gurasai Fulyo’ blasted through the sound system, our eyes were blessed by the sight of the scarlet rhododendron growing alongside the road to Dailekh. The Karnali River flowing through the hills of Accham and Dailekh reminded me of the crystal-clear water of the Teesta River gliding through West Bengal. On reaching Jumla, we were welcomed by the warm hospitality of the owner of the Kanjirowa Hotel, accompanied with the Marsi Chaamal (brown rice), which acted as an ointment to relieve us from the burnout of our tiring voyage.

The following morning, all five of us were awakened by the bubbling sound of the serene Tila River. The echoes of the early morning briefing made by my father to his junior police forces were witnessed by the twin hills, namely, Dewal and Garel Daada, of the Jumla valley. Humming in the playlist of western Nepal, the un-gravelled road led us to the birthplace of the Khas-Arya language, the Sinja Valley. The valley, in a nutshell, was inhabited by roads waiting to be constructed, assemblies that demanded an assemblage of people sharing similar political ideologies, students who talked of their modest dreams, and kids who blocked the road and made the travelers listen to their melodies song in hopes of earning some money.

After handing us two punctured tires, the road opened to accommodate the ‘dhupi salla’ trees, which stand to be one of the hallmarks of the Rara National Park. In an attempt to bridge the gap of unfamiliarity with our destination, the driver started narrating stories that were startling for the privileged ears to listen to. The road leading up to the hiking trail of the park was in poor shape, its existence marked by one or two houses wrecked by landslides.

The picturesque starting point of the hiking trail to the lake was no different than the wallpaper on the Windows desktop. Equipping ourselves with all the hiking essentials, we tied our shoelaces for the 2-hour hike to the soul of the lake. The road awaiting us was built with sloppy stairs where horses were seen running up and down on their master's command. Rich in natural resources, Mugu district of Karnali relies on horses as its means of transport. After climbing down the stairs, the scene before us opened to a heaven-like abode with glitters of water sparkling even in the dusk. At this moment, I was convinced by the King’s decision to name the lake ‘Swarga ki Apsara’.

Away from the everyday chaos of Kathmandu and walking shoulder to shoulder along the magnificent lake, I was reminded of the factual reality of traveling being a therapy for the mind. Alone with my thoughts, I was able to experience the heartbeat of nature at its full length. The nature of the lake was astounding. It kept changing its color, accustoming itself to the indecipherable riddle of the environment. The tiredness that had to be felt after having hiked for two hours evaporated on reaching the hotel overlooking Rara Lake where we were to lodge for the night with arrangements to let us spend the night in the tent. And it was in the tent where we exchanged laughter in the bargain of memories to be cherished for a lifetime. While we were cocooned in the warmth provided by our friendship and blankets, the rest of the world outside the tent kept themselves warm by consuming ‘tin paaney’ (a local drink).

The following morning, we were awakened by the howling of wolves at five in the morning. If not for the wolves, we would have missed the morning sunset! After clicking on Instagram-able posts, we bid farewell to Rara by boating across the lake. As I immersed my hand in the sparkling water, I was reminded of one of the lines from ‘Zindagi Na Milegi Dobara’: ‘Pighle Neelam Sa Behta Hua Yeh Samaan, Neeli Neeli Si Khamosiyan, Na Kahin Hai Zameen Na Kahin Aasman’. On recalling this line, I was hit by a sudden epiphany where the surroundings around me whispered to me the confluence of nature and my soul.

To bring us back into the regular humdrum of our lives, the horses were waiting for us across the lake. Leaving pieces of our hearts at the lake, we mounted the horses while communicating gratitude and appreciation to the equestrians.

The Central Committee meeting of CPN (Maoist Center), slated for Aug 2-6, will be live-streamed through the party’s Facebook page. The move is meant to share discussions with the public and rule out propaganda campaigns.

As for governance, I feel the government is trying to deliver on its promises, but there is plenty of room for improvement. The meet will take stock of an entire gamut of things.

A key agenda of the meet is to assign tasks to different committee members and strengthen the party’s organizational base. Reorganizing the central committee is on the agenda and so is the finalization of the itineraries of the party’s upcoming policy convention. Discussions regarding the formation of a Samajbadi (Socialist) Front and the possibility of unification with the Netra Bikram Chand-led  Maoist faction are also on the table. But rumors regarding changes in the party leadership and the secretary-general position are baseless.

The author is a Central Committee member of CPN (Maoist Center)

After the Central Working Committee meeting of Nepali Congress, it appears that the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government has become even more stronger. The NC's rival faction led by Gagan Kumar Thapa has pledged to keep the current coalition intact, a shift from his earlier position where he said that the coalition could break if the government fails to meet people’s expectations.

The CWC meeting of Congress party has also taken ownership of the decision to form an alliance with Dahal’s CPN (Maoist Center), but made no pledge to renew electoral alliance with the Maoists in the next general elections.

“Our experienced leaders demonstrated their political skills carefully, bringing Nepali politics back to normalcy, even in an adverse political situation,” the NC decision says. The party adds that the move to forge an alliance with the Maoists enhanced the NC’s political reputation as well as boosted confidence of the parties involved in the coalition.  

Congress has called its ruling partnership with the Maoists and other fringe parties as “an alliance formed for a specific purpose in a specific situation.” It has called the current alliance the very foundation from which Ram Chandra Poudel, a senior NC politician, was elected the President of Nepal. 

The decisions that came out from the CWC meeting of NC, the largest party in parliament, suggest that the Dahal government has no threat from its primary coalition partner. Another coalition partner, CPN (Unified Socialist), despite showing some dissatisfaction over the budget, is also firm on its position to keep this government alive until next general elections.

This also puts an end to all the theories and conjectures regarding government change born out of several rounds of talks that the Thapa-led faction of the NC held with the main opposition, CPN-UML. 

The Thapa camp was exploring the possibility of forging an alliance with the UML, in case things did not go quite as well with the Maoists. But NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba was opposed to this idea. 

“Thapa influence in the party is very weak and Deuba was never in favor of aligning with the UML,” says political analyst Puranjan Acharya.

Amid all these developments, it is the NC that seems to be in trouble. The CWC gathering showed that the factional rift in the party is ever more widening, with general secretary duo, Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, still insistent on changing the parliamentary party leader. In other words, Thapa and Sharma are strongly opposed to the idea of Deuba becoming  prime minister for the record sixth time.   

As per the power-sharing agreement, Prime Minister Dahal will hand over the government reins to Madhav Kumar Nepal of Unified Socialist, who will in turn cede the premiership to Deuba.

It is highly unlikely that Thapa and Sharma will succeed in stopping Deuba from getting elected as the parliamentary party leader again, as the latter simply hold too much sway in the party. 

But for Prime Minister Dahal, the friction within the Congress party is enough to make him suspicious. He fears that a conspiracy is afoot to upend the current coalition. 

“Efforts are underway to create friction inside the ruling alliance as the government is fighting corruption and maintaining good governance,” Dahal said at a public function on Sunday. A few days back, Deuba and Nepal had made similar statements. It just goes to show that the parties in the ruling alliance are plagued by uncertainty regarding their unity. Deep down, the UML could somehow scupper their coalition. 

But the UML leaders say this fear is unfounded. They say the NC leadership is not ready to enter a power-sharing deal with the UML.

In a recent interview with ApEx, UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli had said that the NC is not thinking politically by refusing to consider a power-sharing agreement outside the Maoists party.  

According to Oli, the UML was not in a rush to ascend to power, though the party was in favor of forming the NC-UML government to ensure government stability. 

A senior UML leader says Deuba even refused the party’s offer of premiership.

“He is reluctant to talk with us. We think he is under external pressure to not join hands with the UML.” 

If the current ruling alliance survives, the UML is sure to remain out of power till the next elections.
Earlier, it was expected that the Dahal government’s decision to investigate and prosecute the suspects of the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal and high level corruption cases could create friction between the Maoists and the NC. Several NC and UML politicians and lawmakers, including Bal Krishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, were arrested in connection to the Bhutanese refugee scam. In the wake of the infamous case, several NC and UML leaders had denounced the government’s move as “selective prosecution” and “vindictive politics” launched by Prime Minister Dahal.  

UML Chairman Oli had questioned the intent of Prime Minister Dahal and called on his government to display its impartiality by opening an investigation into the alleged corruption that took place during the management of Maoists cantonments after the 2006 peace agreement. 

For many political pundits and observers, the arrests of NC and UML politicians created an environment for the two parties to come closer and take out the Maoist party from power. Things didn't pan out that way.  Political analyst Acharya says the opening of high level corruption files means more politicians from all major parties will be under scrutiny.

“The investigations into Lalita Niwas land grab case and fake Bhutanese refugee scandal have already created an unease inside all major parties,” he says. “In this scenario, there is no immediate threat to the ruling coalition.” 

External factors, if not determinant, also play a vital role in the change of government. So far, according to a ruling party leader, India is in favor of the continuation of the current coalition led by Dahal. 

“So long as Dahal enjoys the support and goodwill of India and Western powers, he has little to fear,” says the leader who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Prime Minister Dahal is set to visit China in September, and some observers say the trip will likely determine the fate of the current coalition. Ahead of Dahal’s China trip, according to multiple sources, some UML leaders have started talks with the Maoist side for the revival of the left alliance. In that case, it is the NC that needs to be worried.

But Lokraj Baral, professor of political science and former ambassador of Nepal to India, says the reason why the talks about government change is finding traction has also to do with the political history of Nepal. 

No government since the past seven decades has completed its full term. “In fact, we have recently seen that even the government with two-thirds majority cannot complete a full term. So naturally, politicians, people and analysts think that this government will not last long,” he says.

Recent calls from some lawmakers for downsizing the Nepali Army and using the money thus saved for development works have courted controversies.  

On July 11, a National Assembly member and former minister for foreign affairs, Bimala Rai Paudyal, stood in the parliament in favor of downsizing the national army while taking part in a discussion on cost-cutting measures. Paudyal reasoned that Nepal did not need a big army in times of peace and that it would be impossible for the army to defend the country against either of the two neighbors even if the need arose, while also pointing out the army had not been able to protect the borders. 

Swarnim Wagle, an economist and lawmaker from the Rastriya Swatantra Party, has also been advocating for downsizing the national army as a means to reduce pressure on the economy. Citing Sri Lanka’s example, which reduced the size of its army by a third to combat the recent recession, Wagle argued during a meeting of the House of Representatives on June 20 that Nepal should consider similar measures.

These calls from the two parliamentarians, who are also PhD scholars, have sparked a series of discussions at the national level. While these are not the first such calls, it is the first time a debate has taken place in the parliament on the matter. Discussions about the national army are not unwarranted, but they should be contextual and based on facts. A state’s policies and plans determine the size and the structure of its army, so it will be far-fetched to take the army leadership as the sole factor in this. 

Development and expansion of any institute, including the national army, takes a long time, hard work, and investment, with the concerned state’s plans and policies playing a vital role in the whole process. Therefore, demands for reduction, structural changes, or removal of responsibilities should be based on careful consideration rather than momentary impulses, even if they are coming from scholars. Instead of arguing irresponsibly (without presenting solid proof to back their arguments) and eroding the morale of the army, policymakers should focus more on enhancing the army’s capabilities.

History and the way forward

The history of the Nepali Army is closely linked with the unification of modern Nepal. Founded by King Prithvi Narayan Shah to support the unification campaign, the army has evolved into its current form. It has a rich history of engaging in various wars and is considered the most experienced army in South Asia in terms of war experience. The army has played an important role in the Nepal-Tibet War, Nepal-China War, the war with East India Company (Anglo-Nepal War), quelling the unrest in Hyderabad at the request of India, ending the Indian Sepoy Mutiny as well as ending the Khampa conflict within the country and in controlling the 10-year Maoist insurgency. Apart from maintaining peace, the army is adept at military diplomacy. Helping the country overcome critical situations like the blockade along with the import of vaccines and health materials from neighboring and friendly countries during the pandemic are vivid examples of military diplomacy. Its important role in life and death situations like natural disasters and epidemics has not gone unnoticed. 

Internal or external crises are not something that can be predicted. That is why, the army must stand ready to deal with potential emergencies even during peacetime. Commendable work of the army during earthquakes, tornadoes, pandemics, floods, landslides, and fires demonstrates its significance in crisis situations. 

As underlined above, the army has different roles to play in different parts of Nepal and beyond. NA soldiers serve in the United Nations’ peacekeeping missions, provide security to infrastructure, guard national parks, conduct search and rescue missions during natural disasters and play different roles in development projects as per government directives. Therefore, before debating the number of soldiers required in Nepal, it is essential to understand the organizational structure of the army. On the other hand, while the situation of unemployment and youth migration is dire, young people are getting jobs and serving the country. Contrary to the expert MPs’ argument, the state’s investment in the army has not gone waste.

Of course, debates about the army are necessary. But such debates should not lower the morale of the army or weaken its structure. Rather, the debates should focus on making the army more and more capable by developing world-class military technologies and competing in the fields of information and technology. Policy-level discussions should explore the possibility of creating more jobs within the military structure so as to reduce the outmigration of young people. 

Summing up, those responsible for running the state should effectively mobilize available resources and explore sustainable resources for the future rather than advocating for the destruction of existing state structures in the pretext of an economic crisis.