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When the constitution was enacted in 2015, Nepal had dozens of political parties representing diverse castes, classes, languages, cultures, and regions. Many of these parties had mushroomed in the decade between the People’s Movement of 2005–06 and the promulgation of the constitution, claiming to speak for the “voiceless.” Today, many have vanished, while those that remain struggle to stay relevant.

The parties that rose to prominence through people’s movements and street protests gradually abandoned their agendas in the pursuit of power. This eroded public trust and weakened their organizational strength. In the 2017 elections, the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum led by Upendra Yadav and the Rastriya Janata Party led by Mahantha Thakur formed an alliance and emerged as a decisive force in both the House of Representatives and Provincial Assemblies. But the coalition soon collapsed under the weight of internal power struggles, and by the 2022 elections, both were compelled to seek alliances with larger parties just to field candidates.

In the 2017 House of Representatives elections, the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) was the largest in Madhes, winning 10 seats. By 2022, its tally had dropped to six, while the CPN-UML, which had secured only two seats in 2017, rose to nine. The Loktantrik Samajbadi Party (LSP) also declined sharply, from nine seats to three. The Nepali Congress, meanwhile, slightly improved its standing from six to seven, becoming the second strongest party in the region.

The CPN (Maoist Center), which had won five Madhes seats in 2017, was reduced to one in 2022. The newly formed CPN (Unified Socialist) gained two seats, while the Janmat Party, positioning itself as an alternative to traditional Madhesi parties—won one seat. Other smaller parties collectively secured three.

Upendra Yadav, once celebrated for elevating Madhes politics, won Saptari-2 in 2017 with a huge margin and went on to lead federal ministries five times. But many in the Madhesi community now accuse him of prioritizing power over their demands. “The people now see repeated ministerial stints with forces that suppressed Madhes as betrayal,” said Arun Jha, a Janakpur-based youth leader active in the Madhes movement. “Personal interests, greed for power, and arrogance have sunk the parties here.” In 2022, Upendra Yadav lost his Saptari seat to CK Raut of the Janmat Party but managed a comeback from Bara-2 with Congress and Maoist backing.

Other prominent leaders also suffered setbacks. Rajendra Mahato, who once defeated veteran Congress leader Bimalendra Nidhi in Dhanusha-3, lost heavily in 2022 after contesting from Sarlahi-2. Active in politics since 1990 through the Nepal Sadbhavana Party, Mahato has served multiple terms as lawmaker and minister.

“The colonial mindset of big parties is behind the weakening of Madhesi parties,” said JSP whip Ram Ashish Yadav. “Greed, fear, intimidation, and the politics of protection prevent small parties from standing tall. Those aligned with big parties escape accountability, while those in small parties face prosecution. This compulsion has frustrated both the spirit of the constitution and the rights of the people.”

Madhes-based parties have also lost ground at the provincial level. In the first Madhes Provincial Assembly (2017), JSP held 30 of 107 seats, the largest share. By 2022, this dropped to 19. The UML increased its tally from 21 to 25, while Nepali Congress rose from 19 to 22. The LSP fell from 25 to nine, and the Maoist Center also lost its seats in Madhes. New entrants like the CPN-Unified Socialist and Janmat Party together secured 13 seats. Three others—Nepal Federal Socialist Party, RPP, and Nagarik Unmukti Party—entered through proportional representation winning a seat each.

In the federal parliament, Madhes-based parties are opposing the government’s new Land Bill, calling it anti-Madhes. Minister for Land Management, Cooperatives, and Poverty Alleviation, Balram Adhikari, presented the bill to amend several laws, which passed with majority support. JSP chair Upendra Yadav denounced it as “a design to turn Madhes into a desert,” citing groundwater depletion and Chure destruction. The Rastriya Mukti Party, led by Rajendra Mahato, also opposed it. General Secretary Anil Mahaseth alleged it served land mafias under the guise of helping squatters.

Amid their decline, seven Madhesi parties have recently formed the Federal Democratic Front to safeguard their political existence and raise Madhesi issues collectively. The alliance includes the Janmat Party, JSP Nepal, LSP Nepal, Nagarik Unmukti Party, Rastriya Mukti Party, Janmat Pragatisheel Party, and Tamalopa. “We’ve learned hard lessons from disunity,” said JSP spokesperson Manish Suman. “This front will emerge as a force.”

Meanwhile, Madhes politics has once again been shaken by renewed investigations into the 2007 Gaur massacre, which killed 27 people during a clash between the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum led by Upendra Yadav and the Maoist supporters. On April 20, 2025, police began investigating 130 accused, including Yadav. DIG Uma Prasad Chaturbedi confirmed the probe, noting that death certificates of 11 accused were under verification.

The case resurfaced after a 2022 Supreme Court order responding to a writ filed by victims demanding their constitutional right to redress. JSP leaders have dismissed the move as political revenge. “If the state has evidence, prove it. If not, Madhes will oppose such conspiracies,” said JSP leader Jitendra Yadav.

Despite multiple inquiries by the National Human Rights Commission and other bodies, official reports on the incident remain unpublished. Rights groups have criticized the government’s failure to deliver justice, while survivors continue to demand accountability nearly two decades later.

Dimitri Okhlopkov is a seasoned operations leader at inDrive, where he heads Driver Operations for South Asia. With a background in driver retention, activation, and acquisition, he has held key roles across Russia, Kazakhstan, and South Asia. Prior to inDrive, Okhlopkov worked in public service and social welfare, bringing a unique blend of strategic, analytical, and people-focused skills to every role. Excerpts from the interview:

Can you give us an overview of inDrive’s current driver community in Nepal? How has it grown over the past year?

We launched inDrive in 2021, during the post-covid period, after conducting research to understand the evolving needs of the market. The response was overwhelmingly positive—from drivers, passengers, and support teams alike. Since then, we’ve continued to grow steadily, offering valuable benefits to both drivers and passengers. One of the key advantages of our platform is the fair and flexible pricing system. Unlike many competitors, we allow a transparent fare negotiation model where both drivers and passengers have a say. Drivers can choose rides based on distance, time, and their preferences, and they are also free to skip any requests that don’t suit them. This system empowers drivers, giving them more control and a stronger voice in how they work. As a result, many drivers have chosen to partner with us, and our community continues to grow every day—with more passengers joining and enjoying the flexibility and fairness we offer.

What are the main challenges that drivers face while using inDrive’s platform, and how is your team addressing these concerns?

We understand that many drivers have specific needs and face ongoing challenges. As a company, we are actively working to support them and continually improve the services we offer on our platform. For instance, we recently introduced an insurance system that ensures all riders are covered. This initiative has significantly enhanced their safety and well-being. We’re also constantly developing and rolling out new features to make their experience even better. To provide more hands-on support, we’ve established local offices where drivers can freely share their concerns, ask questions, and receive assistance. This open communication has been beneficial for both the drivers and our team. In addition, we’ve partnered with various companies to offer drivers bonuses, discounts, and essential items like car lubricants—resources they can easily access and use.

How does inDrive ensure fair pricing and income sustainability for drivers, especially in price-sensitive markets like Nepal?

Pricing is always a sensitive issue. To address this, we are developing a bidding system that allows drivers to set their own prices. Riders can choose to accept or skip the ride if the fare doesn’t suit them. A ride only happens when both the driver and rider agree—it’s entirely based on mutual consent. While our platform has a large number of passenger users, the number of active drivers is still relatively low. This imbalance becomes especially noticeable during peak times—for example, during bad weather or when it rains. At such times, demand surges as more people prefer using the app, and many are willing to pay higher fares just to reach their destination quickly. As a result, prices naturally increase in those situations. Despite many drivers working tirelessly, even around the clock, there are still not enough of them to meet the growing demand. Part of the challenge lies in limitations related to driver availability and capacity.

What safety measures does inDrive have in place to protect drivers during rides?

We’ve built important safety features into our application, including an emergency call function that allows users to quickly contact help if they ever feel unsafe during a ride. In addition, we offer fast support for such situations to ensure immediate assistance when needed. We’ve also implemented an insurance system designed to cover incidents, which provides an added layer of protection—especially for drivers. These features are part of our ongoing commitment to safety for everyone using our platform.

Is inDrive offering any kind of skill development, digital literacy, or professional training to help drivers grow beyond the platform?

We have established offices where we provide regular training sessions for drivers. These sessions cover a range of important topics, including financial education and safety practices. Additionally, we invite professionals—such as traffic officers—to conduct safety workshops and share valuable insights directly with our drivers. This hands-on approach helps ensure they are well-prepared, informed, and confident in handling real-world situations.

When I was a child, I remember sitting on the sofa with my mother to watch Chef Sanjeev Kapoor’s ‘Khana Khazana’. Mamu used to be armed with a pad and a pen (which had a bright blue cap that I found fascinating for some reason) and she would diligently write down the recipes as Kapoor guided her (among thousands of other viewers) through them.

This ritual wasn’t just limited to my house. Many of my friends too were going through the same routine at home, with their mothers. Sanjeev Kapoor was a household name and the delicious dishes our mothers whipped up at parties and get-togethers were often attributed to him. Mamu had a famous stuffed veggies recipe that our relatives had come to anticipate whenever we had them over for dinner (which was quite frequently back then as my dad loved hosting). She got the recipe from Kapoor’s famous show but it had taken her a while to master it (with some tweaks) so she didn’t hesitate to claim it as her own. 

Many of the dishes my mother made came from a thick black leather bound notebook, the pages of which were filled with recipes from ‘Khana Khazana’. I sometimes wish we had had the foresight to save that diary but it got lost as we moved homes. Back then, once my mother had memorized the recipes I guess we didn’t consider it as invaluable as I have come to think of it now.

Spoilt for choice

The good thing now is that everything that was once on that food journal of sorts can be found online. Though Sanjeev Kapoor will always be mamu’s favorite chef, there are many great chefs who share their wonderful creations freely with others on social media. Chefs like Vikas Khanna, Ranveer Brar, and Kunal Kapoor among others share many recipes that appeal to our Nepali palate. 

Food content creators on Instagram, Tiktok, and Facebook also provide simple recipes for daily, wholesome meals. You no longer need to sit in front of the television, at a scheduled hour, to learn how to cook. Mamu thinks it’s a miracle and often wonders why people my age and younger don’t take advantage of this and still prefer to eat out. However, things have changed after Covid-19. Though there are many restaurants opening up, people also love to cook and host at home. And the wealth of information we have available online has made great dinner parties possible. 

Over the past few years, I have been diligently collecting recipes from YouTube channels of Indian Chefs as well as saving reels of simple recipes on Instagram. My best friend shared a really long google docs full of recipes from all over the world and I was inspired to do the same. However, while food content creator’s recipes are fun and easy to replicate, the charm of learning from the top chefs is entirely different.

Learning from the pros

My first stint with online cooking lessons began with Ranveer Brar’s YouTube channel. His engaging banter makes learning to cook fun and less like a chore. I started watching them during the pandemic lockdowns and I became quite a pro in the kitchen, if I might say so myself. The thing with learning from the top chefs is that they inevitably teach you to be a good cook by arming you with skills that quick recipes never provide. For example, Brar taught me that cooking with coriander stems brings out its flavor while the leaves are used for garnishing purposes. 

He said if you put coriander leaves in curry while it's cooking, the flavor gets lost in it. Whereas if you add the stem part, it cooks with the curry and gives a nice taste and aroma. I didn’t know that and all these years, I had been recklessly adding whole coriander to curries. 

Chefs like Brar might seem intimidating at first. After all, they do everything so effortlessly. But overtime, you will come to emulate their techniques and understand your spices and other ingredients. I like how Brar keeps things simple. He never tells you that you need a specific ingredient to make something. He gives you alternatives. I mean, you can’t do without ‘imli’ to make ‘sambar’ but besides the absolute essentials, everything can be substituted with something else or simply not used. Great cooks give you that flexibility.

Making learning fun

I must confess that I never thought cooking could be fun. I thought of it as a mindless chore. My favorite line while growing up used to be, “Why cook for two hours for a meal you will finish in 20 minutes?” Mamu always said she enjoyed cooking because it calmed her. It was meditative. I never understood that until a few years ago. I remember Sanjeev Kapoor made cooking feel like a fun activity on his show. He enjoyed it and he wanted others to enjoy it too. It’s the same with Brar. He cooks at such a leisurely pace and his body language is so relaxed and comfortable that it makes you want to do the same when you are in the kitchen. Over time, watching him take his time in the kitchen, I too have started taking things slow. Now I don’t rush through the washing and chopping, choosing instead to savor the process and feel the different textures. The beauty of turning to the pros and not looking for shortcuts is that they really teach you that cooking can be a mindful act—something that you can enjoy and use as a relaxation technique.

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Top favorite chefs

I have mentioned Ranveer Brar repeatedly so I’m going to skip him here. But these are my other three favorite chefs who I think can  teach even the most uninitiated some really cool cooking basics and tricks.

Kunal Kapoor

If you want to learn how to make amazing kebabs and curries, look no further. His is the only YouTube channel you will need. Apart from that, he also teaches you to whip up some unique chutneys and drinks.

Shirpa Khanna

Best known for winning the MasterChef India title when she was just 29, Shripa Khanna’s YouTube channel is an eclectic mix of mouthwatering recipes. If you want to learn to cook different kinds of Indian dishes, this can help.

Harpal Singh

He is an Indian chef and restaurateur. His YouTube channel is a fun one with recipes you are not likely to hear of elsewhere. One of my favorites is the ‘Spinach Corn Potato Boats’ that is easy to make, filling, and nutritious.

Nepal has many provisions in place to safeguard public health. All health facilities, and health-related educational and training institutions in Nepal need to follow strict regulations of several statutory bodies. Medical Education Commission serves as the central authority for regulating domestic health professional education institutions. Those seeking accreditation must first obtain a Letter of Intent, fulfill required infrastructural and academic standards, submit a self-evaluation report, and undergo periodic evaluation. Institutions are graded based on performance, with continued underperformance potentially resulting in de-accreditation.

Academic institutions need accreditations from concerned councils. Nepal Medical Council recognizes medical colleges and manages the registration and licensure of doctors, including dentists. Nepal Nursing Council accredits nursing education providers, conducts licensing exams and maintains the nursing registry. Nepal Ayurvedic Medical Council regulates traditional medicine programs. Nepal Pharmacy Council works in the field of pharmacy. Accreditation for allied health programs such as public health, physiotherapy, and medical laboratory sciences is handled by the Nepal Health Professional Council.

Students have to pass domestic entrance examinations before they can join such educational programs, whether they join domestic or foreign schools. The graduates are allowed to practice only after registration with respective councils, for which they have to pass the licensure tests. Implemented properly, these criteria ensure quality of registered health workers.

Whether the state, philanthropic institutions or the students themselves pay, producing health workers costs a huge amount of money, time and effort. In this age of global village, we cannot and should not bar such human resources from seeking a career abroad. But we should do everything to attract the workforce the country badly needs.

Look at the figures. From 2020 to 2023, the NMC issued Good Standing Certificates to 1,087 doctors in 2020, 1,502 in 2021, 2,189 in 2022, and 2,582 in 2023, totaling 7,360 certificates over the four-year period. Concurrently, between 2002 and early 2025, approximately 45,000 nurses received certificates to migrate abroad. Although about 45,000 doctors were registered with the council as of Jan 2024, fewer than 15,000 remained actively practicing in Nepal. This stark contrast underscores an accelerating brain drain, particularly acute in rural areas.

While better work environments and higher salaries are major factors, bureaucratic hurdles prevalent in our regulatory bodies and councils are not less responsible for accelerating brain drain, especially by failing to facilitate human resources educated abroad in getting registered in Nepal. These manifest in the forms of equivalence certificates and no objection certificates.

Issue of equivalence

Currently, all foreign graduates, including domestic products in some cases, need their educational degrees recognized by relevant Nepali institutions. Common practice is, instead of issuing recognition letters, these institutions issue equivalence certificates, frequently mentioning ‘in relevant field’, keeping open a space for future misunderstandings and conflicts.

Up to now, Tribhuvan University Curriculum Development Center (TUCDC) is trusted with this task for higher education degrees. The duty may look both as the state recognition and a lucrative income for TU, but CDC faces a myriad of challenges. Among HEIs ranging from high-end to low-end, there are innumerable differences in their performances, thanks to their available resources, institutional capabilities, philosophical outlook and autonomy in framing academic programs. Quality issues are not limited to poorly-performing, weak universities. A renowned university strong in other fields can have poor performance in health sciences.

Let us try to simplify the procedures. Universities and their academic programs do reflect sociopolitical values and technological stages of their countries and societies; their products may not exactly match our products. MIT graduates may excel in physics, Oxbridge products may outperform in history, but TU graduates are the best yardstick for Nepal. So, based on program and subject-specific parameters, the country needs to develop a high-ranking dynamic list of HEIs and programs whose products would be ‘recognized’ automatically, only those who wanted ‘equivalence’ would need to apply with the TU. For others, let us ask them to obtain ‘recognition’ or ‘equivalence’ letters for their degrees. ‘Recognition letters’ fulfil two purposes: prevent the use of fake degrees, and avoid unnecessary torture to graduates from foreign HEIs. As to educational criteria for employment, let the employers decide. Like other countries, we can fix minimum durations of study and entry criteria. We should also be specific on degrees earned with lateral entries, credit transfers and online learnings. As for faculty-wise duration, the country should make the total duration of vertical degrees postschool one of the parameters. 

Many a time, products of domestic institutions have objected to applying to TUCDC for equivalence, questioning why TU should evaluate degrees offered by other Nepali institutions. Against such a background, the University Grant Commission is trusted to shoulder the task from the beginning of the next fiscal year (July 17). Compared with TU, which alone hosts about 80 percent of all students against 20 percent shared by all remaining 27 HEIs, the UGC is an insignificant bureaucratic unit. The problems facing TUCDC will not go away just like that. Needed are policy reforms, not replacements of regulating hands.

Issue of NOCs

The No Objection Certificate (NOC) policy, originally meant to regulate foreign exchange, now unnecessarily obstructs students who do not require financial support from Nepal Rastra Bank. Many students fund their studies through scholarships or families abroad, yet face delays due to mandatory NOC processing, often missing admissions or visa deadlines. With over 110,000 NOC applications last year, the system is overloaded and outdated. Most countries do not require such clearances unless public funds are involved. We should make NOC optional for non-forex applicants, easing bureaucratic friction and empowering students to pursue global education without such obstacles.

Requiring foreign medical graduates to produce an NOC for degree equivalence or professional council registration is both illogical and unjust. Denying students equivalence or licensure for failure to produce a pre-departure NOC punishes them for a procedural formality that holds no relevance to their qualifications. Academic merit, not outdated paperwork, should guide professional recognition.

Nepal is in urgent need of such reforms to cope with alarming brain drain.