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Kathmandu has long served as Nepal’s political, economic, and cultural epicenter, anchoring the nation’s governance and commerce. However, the capital faces mounting challenges due to rapid urbanization, severe congestion, environmental degradation, and significant natural disaster risks, particularly earthquakes. These pressures have fueled discussions about the feasibility of establishing a new or expanded National Capital Region (NCR) to alleviate the strain on Kathmandu and promote balanced national development. Among the potential candidates, Chitwan District, located in Bagmati Province, emerges as a compelling choice due to its strategic location, robust infrastructure, and growing economic vitality. 

Why Chitwan?

Chitwan district stands out as a prime candidate for hosting a National Capital Region due to its unique combination of geographic, economic, and infrastructural advantages. The district’s central position in Nepal positions it as a critical link between the country’s eastern and western regions, facilitating efficient logistics and connectivity. Major highways, including the East-West Highway and Prithvi Highway, traverse Chitwan, seamlessly connecting it to key cities across Nepal. This robust road network supports the movement of goods, services, and people, making Chitwan a natural hub for commerce and administration. Additionally, Bharatpur Airport, which currently operates flights to Kathmandu and Pokhara, holds significant potential for expansion. With targeted investments, the airport could accommodate regional and even international air traffic, further enhancing Chitwan’s accessibility and economic reach.

Economically, Chitwan is a powerhouse within Nepal. Bharatpur, the district’s largest city, ranks as the country’s fourth-largest urban center and is experiencing rapid growth in population and infrastructure. The city is home to a diverse array of industries, including agriculture, trade, and education, with prominent institutions such as agricultural research centers and medical colleges driving economic activity. By positioning Bharatpur as a commercial and administrative hub, Nepal could diversify its urban landscape, reducing the overwhelming dependence on Kathmandu. This shift would not only alleviate congestion in the capital but also stimulate economic growth in Chitwan, creating new opportunities for employment and investment.

Beyond its logistical and economic strengths, Chitwan offers a more resilient environment for urban development compared to Kathmandu. Unlike the capital, which sits in a seismically vulnerable valley, Chitwan rests on relatively stable land, reducing the risks posed by earthquakes. The district also provides ample space for planned urban expansion, allowing for the development of modern infrastructure tailored to the needs of a growing population. While certain areas of Chitwan face flood risks, these challenges can be addressed through careful urban planning and investment in flood mitigation measures. By leveraging its geographic and environmental advantages, Chitwan could serve as a sustainable foundation for a new national capital region.

Expanding the national capital region: Neighboring territories

To maximize the sustainability and impact of a National Capital Region centered in Chitwan, incorporating neighboring districts into the plan is essential. This expansion would foster greater economic and administrative coordination, creating a regional framework that balances growth across multiple areas. Nawalpur, also known as Nawalparasi East, lies to the west of the Narayani River and offers significant industrial potential. Its strategic location makes it a vital link between Chitwan and Lumbini Province, facilitating trade and logistics across southern Nepal. Nawalpur’s flat terrain and access to resources position it as an ideal location for developing major industrial zones and business hubs, which could complement Chitwan’s economic activities and drive regional prosperity.

Makwanpur district, located to the north of Chitwan, is another strong candidate for inclusion in the NCR. Hetauda, the capital of Bagmati Province, is a well-established industrial and trade center with a strategic position at the crossroads of Chitwan, Kathmandu, and eastern Nepal. Expanding Hetauda’s infrastructure could support industrial growth and urban development, creating a secondary hub within the NCR that complements Bharatpur’s administrative and commercial functions. Hetauda’s existing industrial base, coupled with its proximity to major highways, makes it a natural fit for the regional framework, enabling seamless coordination across the NCR.

Eastern Tanahun and western Bara also present compelling opportunities for inclusion. Tanahun, located to the northwest of Chitwan, is home to emerging urban centers that could contribute to the NCR’s growth. Its proximity to Chitwan ensures easy integration into the regional network, allowing for coordinated development of infrastructure and services. Bara, to the south, is a key industrial hub, particularly in the area of Simara, which hosts significant industrial activity and an airport. This airport could serve as a secondary transit hub for the NCR, supporting Bharatpur Airport and enhancing the region’s connectivity. By incorporating these districts, the NCR would create a robust network of urban and industrial centers, fostering economic synergy and balanced development across central Nepal.

Challenges and considerations

While the prospect of establishing a National Capital Region in Chitwan and its surrounding districts holds immense promise, several challenges must be addressed to ensure its success. Political and administrative resistance poses a significant hurdle, as relocating or expanding the capital region would require broad consensus among stakeholders. Local interests, regional power dynamics, and bureaucratic inertia could complicate the decision-making process, necessitating careful long-term planning and transparent communication to build support. Engaging local communities and addressing their concerns will be critical to overcoming resistance and ensuring the project’s viability.

Environmental sustainability is another key consideration. Chitwan is home to the renowned Chitwan National Park, a UNESCO World Heritage Site and a critical ecological asset. Urban expansion in the region must be carefully managed to avoid disrupting the park’s delicate ecosystem and biodiversity. Sustainable urban planning practices, such as green infrastructure and eco-friendly construction, will be essential to preserving Chitwan’s natural resources while accommodating growth. Additionally, flood risks in certain areas of the district must be mitigated through advanced engineering solutions, such as improved drainage systems and river management strategies, to ensure the safety and resilience of new developments.

The development of a National Capital Region will also require substantial financial investment in infrastructure. Expanding highways, upgrading Bharatpur Airport, and developing utilities such as water, electricity, and telecommunications will demand significant resources and coordination between government agencies, private investors, and international partners. Securing funding for these projects while maintaining fiscal responsibility will be a complex but necessary task. Public-private partnerships and international development assistance could play a pivotal role in financing the NCR’s infrastructure, ensuring that the region is equipped to support its growing population and economic activity.

Designating Chitwan District as the core of a new National Capital Region, with the inclusion of neighboring districts such as Nawalpur, Makwanpur, Tanahun, and Bara, offers a transformative opportunity for Nepal. This strategic move would decentralize governance, reduce the strain on Kathmandu, and promote balanced economic development across the country. By leveraging Chitwan’s central location, robust infrastructure, and economic potential, Nepal could create a modern, resilient, and sustainable administrative hub. The inclusion of neighboring districts would enhance the NCR’s economic and logistical capabilities, fostering regional synergy and long-term growth.

However, realizing this vision will require overcoming significant challenges, including political resistance, environmental concerns, and the need for substantial infrastructure investment. Through strategic planning, stakeholder engagement, and a commitment to sustainability, these obstacles can be addressed effectively. A well-executed National Capital Region centered in Chitwan could not only alleviate Kathmandu’s congestion but also establish a dynamic new center for governance, commerce, and innovation. This bold initiative has the potential to reshape Nepal’s urban landscape, driving economic progress and improving the quality of life for its citizens for generations to come.

Every year, thousands of Nepali women traverse borders to seek jobs as the domestic and care workers in Gulf countries. Their hope to lift families from poverty is met with peril, abandonment, and, most heartbreakingly, death. While Nepal’s remittance-driven migration economy flourishes on—constituting over a quarter of national GDP—the women fueling this economy are systematically erased during life and death.

According to Foreign Employment Board, between 2008 and 2024, around 400 Nepali female migrant workers died overseas. And a total compensation payouts during this period was Rs 168m.

Take the case of Hira Bhujel, once a proud Kuwait returnee. Her first migration was legal and empowering; she bought land, built a house, and placed her family above poverty. When a government ban stopped her second migration to work as domestic labor, Bhujel turned to an irregular route. She died of ‘illness’ within months. She was left by her employer, denied medical care, and left by the state because her migration had been ‘illegal’. Her body came back in a coffin. No one helped—not the state, not the anti-trafficking networks, nor even the migration agencies built on the framework of ‘safe migration’.

Her mother says, “Because she worked abroad without a permit, the government turned its back on us. No compensation, no clear answers.” “Women like my daughter are treated as disposable labour. She was sent away without protection, forgotten when they fall ill or die.”

Bhujel’s is a far too familiar story. Nepali authorities have prohibited all women’s migration for domestic work since 2017. Although relaxed partly in 2020, the policy remains founded on restriction and gendered protectionism. In spite of such prohibitions, however, women keep migrating, often through illegal channels, by sheer necessity. But many never return.

Restrictions on women’s migration, purportedly in their interests, are in fact enhancing their vulnerability. They close off formal routes to them, push them into dangerous informal ones, and exclude them from government support when they are in need or dead, say the experts. “Even destination country embassy staff are cripplingly under-resourced, with just seven people dealing with tens of thousands of migrant cases,” experts say. “Bureaucratic hurdles prevent access to welfare budgets, and when corpses need to be repatriated, the families and local communities are often left to pay the bill.”

Kani Sherpa died in 1998 in Kuwait due to alleged abuse by her employers. This sparked public outcry and led to the ban on Nepali women working in the Gulf. The ban, however, was not effective in preventing women from seeking work in the Gulf. Instead, it pushed many to seek illegal channels, leading to further exploitation. 

The failure is structural: no legal acknowledgment, no psychosocial assistance, inadequate diplomacy, and a policy regime criminalizing women’s survival struggles. Migration bans have created a trend of invisibility and punishment, where it is simpler to overlook women’s deaths than to go out of one’s way to save their lives.

As per the report ‘Invisible in life and death: The aftermath of Nepali female migrant domestic workers’ death’ released by Brunel University of London and Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC), besides financial problems, relatives of the deceased female migrant workers experience critical mental health-related problems. These comprise, but are not limited to, depression, trauma, anxiety, and social isolation. Older parents and children are specifically affected but do not receive any formal psychosocial intervention.

Sabina Oli, longing to remit money home to her sick husband and children, travelled to Kuwait through India with Rs 50,000 borrowed from relatives. She rang home, crying, telling of brutality and cruelty at the hands of her recruiter. And then the calls stopped. Oli died in her sleep due to extreme heat as per her employer. Her family had to raise funds to bring her body back home. No wages, no compensation, no government support followed. Worse, the community ostracized the family for their undocumented migration and withdrew all support.

Similar to Oli, poverty pushed Sanjita Dangi to Saudi Arabia, where she died of alleged suicide. Her body was bruised and scarred, suggesting violence. And yet, no inquiry ensued. Her already indebted husband was socially boycotted. Neighbors who had been standing by the family turned their backs. “My wife would tell me that hard times are only temporary and good days will come. But when I heard about her death, I was devastated,” her husband says.

Nanimaya Nepali too passed away alone in Kuwait. Having endured torture and isolation, she was finally preparing to return home. She was shown her burial through video call—no death certificate, no paperwork, not even a grave marker. The employer claimed that she had tested positive for Covid-19 but there was no official medical report. Her death shattered her family and drove her children into the very same cycle of migration that had taken her life. “We borrowed money hoping to have a better life, and when she died, loans were still here, even the house was locked by the moneylender,” her sister says.

These women are not isolated cases. There are more than 60,000 Nepali women working in the Gulf as domestic workers, estimated in the report, with 48,000 of them working in Kuwait alone. They are largely undocumented, absent from official data, unshielded by bilateral labour agreements, and beneath the radar in public discourse. When they die, their bodies do not return. Their deaths are unrecorded, and their families mourn in secret.

Even when they travel legally, tragedy befalls. Megha Sunar, a legally migrant worker in Oman, had to escape to Kuwait as her employer died and the company said it can’t provide salary anymore. She died in her sleep. There were no further explanations. And because she traveled across borders illegally, the government refused to help with repatriation. Her body came back only when family members and neighbors pooled money. Her husband, who stayed behind to raise two sons, now lives in a day-to-day economic and emotional struggle.

Some, like Manisha Bhandari, faced violence not from employers, but from her husband. He was working abroad in Malaysia. Though their relationship was not healthy, she too migrated to Malaysia for a data entry job. Though she and her husband lived in different cities, they occasionally met, but their relationship was beyond repair. Ten months later, he invited her into his room and murdered her. Her decomposed body was found wrapped in plastic. Her parents, now raising her daughter, received only an insurance payout. There was no mental health support, no institutional care.

Namita Dangol, burdened by her family debt and hopes for her daughter’s future, defied her family’s instructions and emigrated to Cyprus. She sent remittances and stayed in touch initially, but subsequently showed signs of distress, which she concealed from everyone but herself. When she died, legally certified as a suicide, her family was denied closure. Her coffin was sealed, and her death hangs on a cloud of questions. Following her death, a vicious court struggle broke out over the compensation funds. Her husband seized all the power, marrying again within a year and pushing Dangol’s family and daughter aside.

Radha Giri left as a domestic servant to Kuwait, put by an area agent with the assurance of insurance and clearances. A report arrived after just three months that she had passed away. Her battered neck indicated probable strangulation but no inquiry or clarification followed later. The family was given a paltry Rs 50,000 for burial costs by the agent, who was not held responsible. Giri’s husband struggles to cope with grief, turning to daily labor and sometimes alcohol, while their children live apart under relatives’ care. The family received no legal advice, counselling, or government help.

The story of Amrita Sarki illustrates the risks of clandestine migration. Having proceeded to Kuwait without a labor certificate, she worked in domestic service and then ran a small beauty parlour. Two years later, a fellow worker reported her dead. While the authorities ruled her death as a suicide, her family suspect it was a case of murder. With no official help on offer because she was undocumented, her body took months to be brought home through community efforts. Sarki’s death devastated her family’s financial and social standing, bringing stigma and isolation.

Even sanctioned legal migration proved no guarantee of safety for Asmita Kunwar, a victim of sexual harassment and physical abuse at the hands of Kuwait bosses. When she was found dead by hanging, officially an ‘illegal migrant’ since a job change, neither government departments nor embassies helped. Her family had to wait months and pay huge sums to repatriate her body with no benefits or compensation.

A friend recounts the horrible experience of Shreya Nepali, a single mother, who was pestered with constant abuse and sexual harassment. They both were first taken to Saudi Arabia and then to Kuwait to work as domestic workers where their passports were immediately confiscated. Her life there was a nightmare, says her friend. She endured relentless work during the day and suffered sexual abuse from her employer at night. Refusal brought starvation, sometimes lasting days.

“I did not see her for several days. When I inquired, the employer told me she had taken her own life. I was shocked. I strongly believe she was killed for resisting abuse,” her friend says. Her mother too migrated to India and never returned.The family was left in debt and desperation, without assistance or justice as stigma and silence ostracized them from society.

Susmita Thapa, 22, had left Nepal legally from Kathmandu airport to work in Jordan. She was reserved and reliable and aspired to lift her family out of poverty. The initial signs had been encouraging with remittances back home from her domestic work. But life took a dramatic turn for her family in 2018 when they heard about Thapa’s death. The official report was that of suicide, but Sanu Thapa, her mother, simply couldn’t accept it. The body arrived with company representatives and a postmortem report but without a follow-up investigation. Overwhelmed and ill-equipped, the family cremated Thapa’s body without explanation.

The report says that the death of migrant women workers often results in economic devastation due to unrepaid migration loans and lost income. As a result, different members of the family are forced to sell their houses, property and assets and migrate to other locations. The majority of the families fall into debt cycles with exorbitant interest rates, with female-headed households suffering the most. The families face social stigma and blame from their society for having pushed their women through irregular channels while marginalized castes face further exclusion, and the children are likely to be shunned at school.

The specialists suggest eliminating the ban on internal labor migration and having open legal migration routes. “Unconditionally, recognize, register and protect all undocumented migrants in embassies,” they say.

Sushil Acharya, director of the Foreign Employment Board Secretariat, stated that budget constraints have halted the functioning of valuable programs. He stated that the budget received from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is utilized primarily in running the repatriation of deceased migrant workers and in providing compensation, but the Ministry of Finance has not made additional budget available.

Acharya also committed to accepting the suggestions that flowed through the discussion in a positive manner and proceeded towards their implementation. “Political will is the only way the ban on female migrant workers will be lifted,” he says. “Trade unions also want the ban to be lifted, but they need to pressure their political leaders to act.”

It is clear to everyone, except perhaps for some policymakers who continue to chant the mantra of ‘protecting women’ by restricting their mobility, migration bans on domestic work have not protected women at all. Instead, they have pushed women into using irregular and unsafe routes, easy targets to exploitation. They are thus compelled to either be at the mercy of agents who control their destiny, be voiceless when faced with abuse, or their untimely deaths are dismissed as natural and not subjected to inquiry.

Names of the victims in this story are changed for privacy

For a country hemmed between the world’s first and second most populous nations with giant carbon footprints, clean air is no less than a luxury. 

But it won’t be fair to blame the neighbors alone for a progressively worsening air pollution in the Kathmandu valley and other parts of our country, which still has a very nominal carbon footprint.

Article 30 of the Constitution of Nepal stipulates the right to a clean environment, stating that every citizen shall have the right to live in a clean and healthy environment. 

But that right is up in smoke like several other fundamental rights. With not much industrial base to boast of, vehicular emission is a major factor behind air pollution in the country, along with forest fires. During the sweltering summer that has just passed us by, the country hogged the headlines as numerous forest fires worsened air quality further and further even as the government did precious little to control the situation. 

Air quality has improved due to the rains, which, though, has brought another set of disasters in an ill-prepared and ill-governed country.

The wildfires are gone for now, but it’s not unusual to come across scenes that make one wonder if our roads were on fire. 

Every day, ill-maintained vehicles leave behind plumes of soot on our roads under the very nose of our extremely competent government, making a mockery of high emission standards it has set vis-a-vis vehicular emission.

Under the Paris Agreement, Nepal's Nationally Determined Contribution 3.0 aims for net-zero emissions by 2050, expanding clean energy to 15,000 MW by 2030, and 15 percent of energy from clean sources by 2030.

Despite green commitments to the international community and the domestic populace, the government continues to invest in infrastructure that is sure to increase the country’s dependence on dirty fuels. The country with enough hydropower potential to meet her domestic energy needs already has a cross-border pipeline (Motihari-Amhlekhgunj petroleum pipeline) with plans to extend it to Lothar (Chitwan) and then onto Kathmandu, and another cross-border petroleum pipeline (Siliguri-Charali petroleum) on the cards.

We export green energy and import dirty fuels. What can be more ironic?

When the rest of the world is switching to green transport alternatives like electric vehicles and hydrogen engines, the government is showing some clear signs of petroleum addiction, which will bleed the national economy further and further as petroleum imports account for a large chunk of our trade deficit.

It’s time the government did a course correction and shifted focus on developing green transport systems and an economy that does not ‘run’ on dirty fuels.   

The main opposition, CPN (Maoist Center), concluded its Standing Committee meeting, which witnessed an intense exchange of words between Party Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal, his supporters, and Janardhan Sharma, who is attempting to position himself as a potential successor to Dahal. However, Sharma’s colleagues within the party sided with Dahal, preventing him from consolidating influence. As a result, Dahal has emerged even stronger and is likely to retain his grip on the party for at least the next 10 years.

The internal rift within the Rastriya Prajatantra Party has escalated, with a rival faction led by Dhawal Shumsher Rana launching parallel activities. Rana, who plans to contest the party presidency, has been actively consolidating support by highlighting the weaknesses of the incumbent president, Rajendra Lingden, who is seeking re-election. The long-standing internal feud has deepened due to differences over the royalist movement that gained traction during the winter and spring but has since lost momentum.

The CPN-UML is preparing for its upcoming statute convention. Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari is reportedly seeking involvement in the convention, but party leaders maintain that her chapter is effectively closed. Bhandari and her close associates are said to be planning a future political strategy after her party membership was revoked. Her supporters are also reportedly working to raise the issue at the convention and are organizing separate activities within the party.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Dahal has continued his longstanding effort to unify fringe communist parties. He is currently in talks with Netra Bikram Chand, who leads a breakaway Maoist faction. However, the CPN (Unified Socialist), led by Madhav Kumar Nepal, has rejected Dahal’s unification proposal. This is in line with Dahal’s traditional approach of reaching out to smaller parties when he finds himself out of power.

Within the Nepali Congress, dissatisfaction over the performance of the NC–CPN-UML coalition government has become routine. Senior NC leaders continue to voice criticism. Meanwhile, the Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party have been obstructing Parliament sessions, demanding the formation of a parliamentary committee to investigate the visa scam. In every session, lawmakers from both parties walk in only to walk out in protest. Despite this, the ruling parties have shown little interest in addressing their demands.

The upcoming by-election in Rupandehi-3 for a seat in the House of Representatives has become a prestige battle for both traditional and emerging political parties. The NC and UML are keen to win to reaffirm public trust, while newer parties like the Rastriya Swatantra Party are eager to claim the seat as proof of growing momentum in their favor. Some independents and minor parties are in quiet negotiations to form an alliance against mainstream candidates. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party is also striving to retain its presence. All parties are currently focused on finalizing their candidates.

Bagmati Province, long marked by instability, appointed a new chief minister this week. NC leader Indra Bahadur Baniya replaced Bahadur Singh Lama, who is also from the NC. Although this shift has triggered some discontent within the party, it is unlikely to have a major impact on national politics or broader NC dynamics. Except for Bagmati, most provinces have seen relative stability after the NC and UML formed a coalition government.

Preparations are underway for Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s visit to New Delhi, though dates have not yet been confirmed. According to media reports, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri is expected to visit Nepal next week to formally extend the invitation. Misri has been engaging with a broad range of government officials and political leaders. With two cross-party delegations recently visiting New Delhi, bilateral engagement has noticeably intensified.

Prime Minister Oli also addressed the third UN Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries (LDCs) in Turkmenistan this week. In his remarks, he outlined the major challenges these countries face, including lack of direct sea access, high transit costs, weak infrastructure, long and uncertain transit routes, limited market access, overdependence on a narrow range of exports, and vulnerability to global shocks and climate change-induced disasters.

He emphasized that the trade and transit rights of landlocked developing countries are a moral responsibility of the global community. He called for greater solidarity, enhanced financial and technological support, and fairer trade terms and transit regimes.

Nepal and China celebrated the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries this week. At a commemorative event, Prime Minister Oli reaffirmed Nepal’s commitment to the one-China policy and highlighted the countries’ “time-tested” friendship. Over seven decades, he said, Nepal-China ties have deepened, rooted in mutual trust and guided by shared values. He added that China has consistently respected Nepal’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence.

The special investigation committee tasked with probing the controversial amendment of the Federal Civil Service Bill, particularly the “cooling-off period” clause, has submitted its report to House Speaker Devraj Ghimire. The report names two key individuals responsible for the tampering.

Meanwhile, Ram Hari Khatiwada, Chair of the State Affairs and Good Governance Committee, is under pressure to resign over his alleged role in the controversy. The Rastriya Swatantra Party has demanded his resignation, but the Nepali Congress has not taken a public position. In a related development, the government’s failure to advance the Education Bill is expected to provoke renewed protests from teachers. Significant disagreements persist between the NC and UML over the bill's contents.

The Election Commission is working on a new regulation that would give sweeping oversight powers to the bureaucracy for monitoring and evaluating political parties. Most parties have condemned the move as unconstitutional and an attempt to control party activity. Given the widespread criticism, the proposal is likely to be revised.

Lastly, the National Examination Board (NEB) published the results of the Grade 12 examinations today. Of the 396,347 students in the regular category, 61.17 percent passed, while 36.49 percent of partial examinees were successful. The Board reported that 38.83 percent of regular students received a “non-grade” result in the exams held this May.

This is yet another indication of a resource-rich republic performing well below par for reasons best known to its ruling clique.