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A month after the violent Gen-Z protests of Sept 8–9 shook the nation, former prime minister KP Sharma Oli has resurfaced—defiant, unbowed, and unrepentant. In a rare interaction with editors, he dismissed the current interim administration led by Sushila Karki as “unconstitutional,” ruled out any possibility of elections in March, and called for the restoration of parliament as the only legitimate way forward.

“This government was born out of the pressure, not the constitution,” he declared, leaning into his familiar mix of grievance and confidence. What followed was a long and wide-ranging conversation that offered a glimpse into Oli’s political state of mind—part justification, part warning, and part self-assurance that he may yet return to power.

Social media ban that sparked the fire

Oli stood by his government’s decision to ban social media — the very trigger that ignited the youth-led movement. According to him, the step was neither sudden nor authoritarian.

“For a year and a half, we’d been requesting global platforms to register in Nepal,” he said. “TikTok was banned until it complied. Out of 26 platforms, some were processing registration, while others flatly refused to follow our constitution or pay taxes.”

He insisted the ban was meant to be temporary, claiming that discussions were underway with several platforms. But by the time those talks progressed, the streets had already erupted.

Understanding and undermining GenZ’s demands

Oli said he was not opposed to the protesters’ core demands: good governance, anti-corruption, and the restoration of digital freedoms. “Their concerns were genuine,” he said, “and the government was already working to address them.”

But he was quick to add a caveat. “The protests lacked specificity on corruption. Until Sept 7, security agencies reported no major threats. They said the students would protest peacefully and return home.”

On the generational accusation of “nepo baby politics,” he sounded irritated. “I don’t accept that term. Why scare children with such words? It’s not arrogance; it’s about fairness.” Oli said that Gen-Z protestors have not called for his resignation. 

He stated that it is natural for parents to love, care for, and provide opportunities to their children, and accused that portraying this in a negative light has caused mental stress to children and youth.

The three phases of the protests

Oli broke down the Sept 8–9 events into what he called “three distinct stages.” The first, on the morning of Sept 8, involved peaceful student demonstrations that soon spiraled out of control. “Infiltrators provoked the crowd, using students as shields,” he alleged.

The second phase, later that day, was marked by “coordinated violence,” and the third on Sept 9 by widespread unrest. “Students were killed to create a pretext for chaos,” he said, adding that his government had formed a probe panel the same day 19 students died.

‘Cell seized for three days’

For the first time, Oli revealed details of his dramatic exit from power. He said that after resigning at around 1 pm on Sept 9, he was whisked away from Baluwatar by the Nepal Army and taken to a military barrack “for security reasons.”

“My phone was seized for three days,” he said. “I got it back only after Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister on Sept 12.”

Asked whether this amounted to house arrest, Oli replied: “I was under the Army’s security. Call it whatever you want.”

On Karki’s appointment

Oli maintained that he had not nominated anyone as his successor. “Yes, I gave my recommendation, but I didn’t name any individual, including Karki,” he said.

According to him, both President Ramchandra Paudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel met him at the barrack before appointing the new prime minister. “I told them a government must be formed within the constitutional and parliamentary framework, and they agreed.”

‘This government is unconstitutional’

The former prime minister remains unwavering in his stance that the Karki-led administration violates the constitution.

“As per the constitution, a former chief justice cannot hold top executive office, except in the National Human Rights Commission,” he said. “Is this how democracy works? Is this how a prime minister is chosen — throught voting and discord ? That’s not democracy; that’s a spectacle.”

He added: “Should I lie because I’m afraid? Should I bow down and speak untruths?”

Rejecting the probe commission

Oli made it clear he would not cooperate with the probe commission headed by former judge, Gauri Bahadur Karki.

“I won’t appear before that commission,” he said. “Just because KP Oli is innocent, does that mean commissions can be formed anywhere and I must go and give statements? KP Oli doesn’t betray himself.”

‘Probe my property’

Responding to reports that government agencies are investigating the assets of major political leaders, including himself, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Oli sounded unfazed.

“Even journalists can investigate my property,” he said. “There might be around two million rupees in my account — my salary savings. The government can check if I have any bank accounts abroad.”

Talk of a comeback

Asked about his political future, Oli smiled. “If things continue like this, the chances of KP Oli’s return increase,” he said. “People won’t tolerate this disorder for long.”

Environment not conducive for polls

Oli dismissed the idea of elections on March 5, calling them “impossible under the current situation.”

“Over 4,000 prisoners are still on the loose, and 1,200 weapons have been looted. How can elections take place in such an environment?” he asked.

His party, CPN-UML, has since decided to prioritize parliamentary restoration over elections,  a move he says reflects political reality, not opportunism.

‘They want to arrest us’

Oli accused the interim government of planning to arrest him and other senior leaders. “Prime Minister Karki has been meeting with the Attorney General and other officials to find ways to detain us,” he alleged. “It’s a mockery of democracy when leaders can’t move freely in their own country.”

‘I won’t step down’

Oli brushed aside internal calls to resign as UML party chair. “Sher Bahadur Deuba has appointed an acting president because he’s unwell. But I’m fit. So why should I?”

He said the party’s upcoming General Convention in December will be the place to raise questions, not the media. “Leadership is decided by people, not pundits,” he said.

On criticism about his age, Oli turned philosophical and a little playful. “The US president (81) is older than me, Putin is seven months younger, and Bangladesh’s prime minister is 82,” he said. “Leadership isn’t about age; it’s about timing and necessity.”

Oli stated that there are still many who want to see him in the party leadership. If I do not play, another captain will emerge, Oli said, for now, they are still looking to KP Oli as a captain. 

He said: “I have the ability to work, I am physically fit. This is a matter of the needs of the country and the party.” 

A hint at external hands

Toward the end of the conversation, Oli sidestepped questions about “foreign involvement” in the protests, a topic he had previously raised within his party. He offered only a hint: “There are external influences shaping the current situation.” He then turned his attention to the media. “Some outlets played a provocative role during the protests,” he said. “But I urge journalists to not practice self-censorship. Write the truth, without fear.”

  Uncertain time 

KP Oli said that he is loyal to the country and the people. The country has entered a state of uncertainty.  The values and principles I speak are of the matters of my conviction, Oli said.

An abrupt incident that occurred in early September 2025 in Nepal was unprecedented on many levels. A peaceful protest, spearheaded by the country’s Generation Z (Gen-Z), evolved into a nationwide outcry against deep-rooted corruption, systemic nepotism, and the controversial ban on social media. The demonstrations, held on September 8 and 9, resulted in unexpected human casualties and extensive socio-economic damage, sending shockwaves throughout the country’s political landscape.

The gravity of these events prompted the formation of an Interim Government tasked with stabilizing the country, restoring public trust, and conducting elections for members of the House of Representatives on March 5, 2026. However, a clear and sustainable roadmap—particularly one ensuring elections on the stated date—remains elusive. Amidst this uncertainty, a window of opportunity has opened: one where critical reforms may be introduced, institutional weaknesses addressed, and the aspirations of a new generation taken seriously.

Key demands

The protests marked a pivotal moment in Nepal’s modern political history—not only because of their scale, but also due to the clarity of Gen-Z’s demands. This generation, born and raised in the post-monarchical, federal democratic era, is no longer willing to accept outdated practices in governance.

Their demands include the establishment of good governance through investigations of all corruption cases from 1990 to 2025 by a competent and trusted body. They have called for the elimination of nepotism and favoritism, as reflected in social media trends against “nepo kids” and “nepo babies.”

They have also expressed their interest in overhauling the current political system and ending long-lasting political leadership. They favor a directly elected executive model and demand comprehensive reform of the electoral system. Their concerns include ensuring transparent and merit-based appointments to high-level positions such as judges, commissioners, and ambassadors. They have also called for a review of the federal structure—particularly the distribution of powers between the federal and provincial levels—along with administrative reforms.

These demands are both ambitious and constitutionally complex, and responding to them will require careful legal, political, and institutional maneuvering.

Constitutional provisions and legal constraints

The Constitution of Nepal provides a degree of flexibility for reform but also contains clear limitations in addressing Gen-Z’s demands. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is the designated body to investigate corruption, while adjudication lies with the Special Court. There is currently no constitutional provision for an alternative authority to carry out such wide-ranging corruption investigations.

In terms of structural reforms, the Constitution requires a two-thirds majority to approve any change in the form of government, electoral system, or federal structure. Amendments impacting the provincial structure or exclusive provincial powers (as per Schedule 6) require approval from the respective Provincial Assemblies. The Constitution does allow for referendums, but only with a two-thirds majority approval of Parliament.

These processes, while theoretically feasible, are heavily dependent on the cooperation of established political parties—the very institutions whose legitimacy has been called into question by Gen-Z protesters.

Emerging challenges in a volatile political climate

The September 2025 events have placed Nepal’s political status quo under considerable strain. Established political parties, many of which feel threatened by the scale and popularity of the Gen-Z movement, have shown reluctance to endorse investigations or constitutional amendments that may jeopardize their authority.

Several key challenges lie ahead. First, political resistance: the established leadership is unlikely to support any reforms that could lead to their displacement or reduced influence. Second, while the Interim Government has been mandated to conduct elections on March 5, 2026, this may not be feasible without the full cooperation of political parties. Continued protests and ideological conflicts between Gen-Z activists and political traditionalists could deepen societal divides.

Additionally, differences among Gen-Z groups on various issues have also surfaced, potentially weakening their collective strength. Implementing some of Gen-Z’s demands, such as the direct election of the executive, would require major constitutional overhauls. If the transition falters or fails, it could open the door to authoritarian alternatives—a scenario that would be catastrophic for democratic consolidation. Revisiting issues such as federalism and secularism without national consensus could also ignite deeper communal or regional tensions, potentially recalling the decade-long domestic conflict.

Building a constructive roadmap: Immediate and medium-term steps​​​​​​​

To stabilize the political environment and move toward meaningful reform, Nepal must embrace a carefully coordinated and inclusive strategy. The Interim Government must demonstrate impartiality and competence, ensuring legitimacy across all demographic and political lines.

To address the damage caused during the protests, a transparent and independent body should be formed to investigate the events of September 2025, including loss of life, property damage, and underlying grievances. Financial and technical support from development partners will be crucial for implementing systemic reforms and ensuring a credible electoral process.

Launching an inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue on constitutional amendments—particularly electoral reform, federal competencies, and leadership structures—is essential. There is broad understanding among Gen-Z activists and political thinkers that constitutional reform should follow the elections; therefore, dialogues on reform priorities must begin now within civil society, Gen-Z networks, and political parties.

To ensure good governance, a trusted commission must be established to investigate historic corruption cases, without overlapping with the jurisdiction of the CIAA. Robust dialogue among Gen-Z leaders, political parties, civil society, and government bodies should be institutionalized through town hall meetings, one-on-one dialogues, public interactions through media, working groups, and policy forums.

Clear mechanisms should also be developed to include Gen-Z in political discourse—whether through advisory roles, youth assemblies, or integration into party reform processes.

Question of timely elections: Possibilities, pitfalls, and consequences​​​​​​​

Despite uncertainties, there are several positive indicators regarding the upcoming election. The Election Commission of Nepal (ECN) has committed to the scheduled timeline. The Ministry of Finance has confirmed the availability of necessary resources, and most political parties have expressed interest in participating.

However, significant challenges could derail the process, such as continued agitation from both Gen-Z and traditional parties, unmet youth expectations, leadership disputes within parties, and corruption probes linked to the September events. If these risks are not addressed, the election may either be postponed or produce outcomes unacceptable to large segments of the population, particularly the youth.

Role of Civil Society: The contribution of NLS and GEOC

Civil society organizations such as the Nepal Law Society (NLS) and the General Election Observation Committee (GEOC) have a critical role to play in facilitating this transition. Both organizations have been involved in the observation of several elections in the past.

The NLS, in particular, has supported the constitution-making process by providing independent forums for dialogue on key issues, policy guidance, and capacity development. In the current context, their contributions can include:

• Building coordination mechanisms among Gen-Z, political parties, and the government;

• Supporting electoral preparations through legal advice, technical expertise, and observation;

• Promoting public dialogue through workshops, interactions, and publications;

• Advising on constitutional reforms, including drafting model amendments;

• Monitoring corruption and ensuring transparency and public trust; and

• Mediating conflicts and preventing escalation through peaceful negotiation platforms.

These organizations can serve as neutral venues bridging competing forces, upholding both legal integrity and democratic aspirations.

Conclusion: From crisis to opportunity

Nepal stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. The Gen-Z protests have not only exposed long-standing governance failures but also ignited a national conversation on constitutional and governance reform and the future of leadership.

This moment presents an opportunity to establish a people-centric, democratic, accountable, transparent, and ethical system of governance. The Interim Government, political parties, civil society, and international partners must now seize this moment—not to suppress dissent, but to channel it constructively.

By embracing transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, Nepal can emerge from this period not only with a renewed political mandate but also with stronger democratic foundations for a prosperous future.

(Pradhan is Chief Executive Director of the Nepal Law Society and Secretary General of the General Election Observation Committee.)

The Sushila Karki Cabinet is still incomplete, though she has included ministers in two lots. Perhaps, she is finding it difficult to choose ministers as she has to balance between the nominees of different GenZ groups on the one hand and their efficiency and honesty, on the other. The GenZ movement overthrew the Oli government through mass protests held on Sept 8 and 9 after the government crackdown on social media, which had been giving a people fed up with rampant corruption, bad governance, nepotism, lavish lifestyles of political leaders and their near and dear ones, political instability and an uncertain future, a platform to vent out their anger and frustration. 

The rally, which saw a significant number of students in school uniform, was almost without any leadership. The unleashing of the police force in the massive protest resulted in the death of 19 protesters, which sparked counterviolence that turned government buildings, media, business houses, banks and hotels etc into a cinder throughout the country.

Sadly, the mass, which lacked leadership, was hijacked by those groups who wanted to take revenge against not only the political leaders but also against government institutions and commercial institutions against whom they had some grudges like those who were dissatisfied with the present democratic setup, living standards of the leaders and their relatives and deprived of misusing of the state fund and natural resources. The security agencies were unable to stop the arson and vandalism.

The present condition is not the outcome of the failures of one government or two. It is an accumulative effect of the past, as rulers did not care for the welfare of the commoners. The Nepali state always remained a political project and never became a peoples’ project. Of course, the present predicament hastened the scenario to unfurl. The  country has enough foreign exchange due to increasing remittances, on the one hand and about 5-6m workers working aboard and about two thousand departing daily by air despite a large number of people from the western districts going to India, on the other.

The Nepal valley (the Kathmandu valley) became a Nepal state with the political project of Gorkha King Prithvi Narayan Shah of expanding the boundaries of his tiny principality. It materialized with the capturing of the Kathmandu valley, in 1769. Its boundaries  went on expanding until it was stopped by Kangra (India) and the British East India Company, which was equally expanding its territories. The company squished the border through a (controversial) Treaty of Sugauli in 1816. The Rana regime extended support to the British in both World Wars to keep them in good humour and keep their political project intact.

However, the resentment among the people, dissatisfaction of King Tribhuvan and Nepali Congress’ armed revolution in 1950 needed negotiations in Delhi, which resulted in a ‘Compromise Formula’ that pledged to establish democracy through a constitution promulgated through an elected Constituent Assembly (CA), provide recognition to the King, give continuity to the Rana Prime Minister and form a coalition government with the Nepali Congress. The deal was not fully implemented.

The resurrected Shah dynasty continued its earlier stand on its political project. King  Mahendra ignored the CA issue and proclaimed a constitution to hold parliamentary elections. Within 18 months, he dissolved the elected government and parliament, and introduced a partyless Panchayat system. King Birendra followed suit.

The 1990 people’s movement reintroduced the parliamentary system. But it could not last long due to the internal bickering of the Nepali Congress and the decade-long Maoists insurgency. After the assassination of King Birendra, King Gyanendra, who sought to rule directly, forced the seven political parties to join hands with the Maoists against the monarchy. Consequently, another people’s movement in 2006 overthrew it. The elected CA adopted an all-inclusive constitution with federalism in 2015.

During the last 74 years (1951-2025) there were 59 changes of government. Significantly, the instability continued as the latest government is the 15th since 2006.The frequent changes were necessitated only to satisfy the insatiable greed of leaders to acquire power and continue to hold as long as possible and also to accumulate unlimited wealth by any means that led to corruption and misrule. 

The challenges before the GenZ movement are enormous. It was easy to overthrow a beleaguered government but eradicating deeply-entrenched corruption will be a Herculean task. The strong collusion between politicians, bureaucracy, security agencies and judiciary will not allow any effort to eliminate it, as each of them will defend the rest for its own safety. To ensure that the government does not deviate from their chosen direction, GenZs have to keep a close watch; otherwise their sacrifice will be fruitless.

Views are personal

From reels to viral campaigns, GenZ navigates the digital sphere with purpose. Their online presence reflects how technology is redefining youth engagement. A study published in the International Journal of Novel Research titled ‘Role of Social Media in Inculcating Life Skills Amongst GenZ’ shows that GenZ recognizes and accepts the effect of social media in developing essential life skills.

The study also finds that social media has become an integral part of GenZ’s life, shaping personal lives and interpersonal relationships. Reflecting this influence on daily life, 19-year-old Biswas Giri (name changed) shares how these platforms have expanded his thoughts on different topics. He also highlights his preference for the short form of video over long-form, adding, “Visually rich content captures my attention without being overwhelmed by the long texts”.

Giri also acknowledges social media influence on purchasing decisions from clothes to books, stressing the power of online communities and the role of content creators in shaping opinions. 

According to a 2025 study published in the European Journal of Teaching and Education, YouTube provides a platform for many to learn a diverse range of content, from motivational talks to self-help tutorials. The study notes that users can connect in a techno-driven world by asking queries and engaging in discussions.  

Underscoring its necessity, 18-year-old Sabina Karki from Kathmandu says YouTube has become a fundamental tool for her studies. A 12th grader, Karki, explains, “YouTube is my most used platform to gain knowledge, as  many channels teach online, which makes it easier for me to grasp the idea quickly.”

Beyond education, social media also enables global communication, making it easy to access information worldwide. Recalling the power of digital connectivity, 27-year-old Krish Acharya mentions the #MeToo movement, which sparked momentum online. “This sort of campaign on social media aims to bring systematic change and drive structural reform,” he asserts.

Social media’s role in business is equally significant. According to the National Business Association, promoting business on the internet boosts brand awareness and expands reach among a wide range of audiences. 26-year-old Sangeeta Thapa, who runs an accessories business in Kathmandu, shares that she promotes business using social media sites. Thapa adds, “I try to create appealing content that will attract customers.” For Thapa, social media is essential for shaping public opinions, and without using it, she says, reaching a broader audience would be nearly impossible. 

Twenty-five-year-old Bibek Adhikari utilizes a digital platform to stay informed about current affairs. “Exploring the content across the internet helps me refine my idea,” he says, while warning about misinformation. “Many youths are trying to get information from the internet, but it is significant to verify the source, as many are misled by false content”. 

As an example, Adhikari shares the knowledge gap among internet users in his village, Sindhupalchowk. “Many youth cannot identify credible media content, which makes it difficult for them to stay aware of the various messages they encounter,” he adds.

Recognizing Nepal’s rapidly changing digital landscape, it becomes vital to ensure that everyone develops awareness and literacy to navigate it responsibly. 

According to DataReportal’s findings, there were 14.3m active social media user identities in Nepal in Jan 2025. Within this number, GenZ also stands at the front of the digital wave, shaping online interactions and trends. 

“When the youth started to speak against the stagnant system and corruption in Nepal back in September, social media played a revolutionary role,” says Smriti Dhakal. She emphasizes the collective interest of all Nepalese to fight against the system. She claims that digital platforms, including TikTok, Facebook, and Instagram, contributed significantly to shaping the voice of youth. 

While digital sites provide vast access to information, social media algorithms can also affect understanding by controlling what users see online. “Digital content gives me a sense of escapism, letting me explore different perspectives,” says Shikshya Gurung. 

She adds that online content also shapes her way of living and gives her ideas about the eating culture. Gurung adds, “With content creators giving ideas about cafes and food, it makes it easier to discover new places to spend time”. 

A report published by the Pew Research Center, ‘The Future of Well-Being in a Tech-Saturated World,’ quotes Tiziana Dearing, a professor at the Boston College School of Social Work, stating that digital technology can negatively affect well-being if social empathy and inherent bias are ignored. Therefore, it’s important to be aware of what content GenZ consumes.

GenZ engagement with social media shows diverse ways in which individuals navigate the digital landscape. While some use it for staying updated on current affairs, others use it for learning, self-expression, and entertainment, reflecting the multifaceted nature of this generation’s online presence.