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The 16th session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) is taking place at the Palais des Nations in Geneva under the theme “Shaping the future: Advancing economic transformation for equitable, inclusive and sustainable development”, on ​​20-23 Oct 2025.

The conference, with Switzerland and the UNCTAD as the organizers, brings together heads of state and government, ministers for trade and economy, Nobel laureates, leaders of international organizations, civil society representatives and renowned experts to engage in a high-level dialogue on global trends and policy approaches in trade, investment, development and the digital economy.
In this context, it will be worthwhile to note: Development should not be a race where the poorest start last and lose first. 

With regard to our graduation from the grouping of Least Developed Countries (LDCs), "Nepal's graduation from LDC status—finally a ceremony where we lose rather than gain privileges!" is a common refrain. 

When it comes to climate finance, the stark reality is: We emit less than a Swiss cow, but we are still waiting for climate compensation. Perhaps we should speak out loudly at UNCTAD 16.

On the trade deficit, "Nepal's trade deficit is so loyal—it follows us everywhere, even to Geneva." 

On remittances, "Our biggest export is not carpets or pashminas—it is our youth. And they send back dollars, dreams and sometimes heartbreak."   

On Climate risk, “We are not asking for donations. We are asking for climate justice—while the mountains are melting and the rivers are boiling.” 

On trade equality, “Trade should be a bridge, not a barrier. For the least developed countries, it should carry dignity, not dependency.”

On Nepal’s transition, “Graduating from LDC status is not the end of risk—it is the beginning of both national and global responsibilities.”  

On global solidarity, “In a world fraught with multiple crises, the strength of the global economy lies in how it deals with its weakest links.” 

Established as a permanent intergovernmental body in 1964, the UNCTAD is the principal authority of the General Assembly in the field of trade and development.
Its objective is to promote trade and development, particularly in developing countries.
UNCTAD’s main goals are to enhance the capacity of developing countries in the areas of trade, investment and development, to assist them in overcoming the difficulties arising from globalization, and to integrate them equitably into the world economy. 

UNCTAD achieves these goals by conducting research and policy analysis, intergovernmental debates, with the support of technical assistance, cooperation with civil society and the business community. 

The objectives of UNCTAD in the field of competition are the analysis and improvement of international foundations of competition policy and legislation, harmonization of competition and trade policy, convergence of national competition standards with a multilaterally agreed set of common principles and rules on the control of UNCTAD-adopted restrictive business practices.

The participation of Belarus in the work of UNCTAD divisions related to the development of competition is of great importance, since without strengthening the role of competition policy as a means of regulating economic relations not only within countries, but also at the international level, it is impossible to increase economic efficiency, successfully develop international trade and improve the economic well-being of consumers of goods and services.

The main objectives of UNCTAD are to accelerate the economic growth rate of the developing world and reduce and eventually eliminate the trade gap between developed and developing countries.

Nepal at UNCTAD 16:

Nepal enters UNCTAD 16 with a clear agenda and an opportunity to secure its development path amidst global economic uncertainty, climate risks and changing trade priorities.

As an LDC on the cusp of graduation, Nepal seeks equitable trade, climate justice and inclusive growth.

Key concerns for Nepal:

LDC development risks:

Nepal is set to graduate from the grouping of LDCs and become a developing country, which could result in the loss of preferential trade access, concessional financing and technical assistance.

Tariff volatility:

Unregulated US tariff policies appear to have a positive impact on Nepal's exports, although they do not significantly affect them. There is no sign of a change in tariffs in Nepal.

More than seven lakh Nepalis migrated for work in 2023 and Nepal seeks global labor mobility frameworks that protect migrant rights and promote domestic job creation.

Trade deficit and informality:

Nepal’s trade deficit with the US and widespread informal employment highlight structural weaknesses in its economy.

Advantages/disadvantages: UNCTAD appears to have a strong grid strategic action plan aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals. It has rich cultural exports (carpets, textiles, crafts) with global appeal. Active engagement with development partners and UN agencies can be strengths for Nepal. 

Weaknesses: High trade deficit and dependence on remittances, limited industrial base and low productivity, vulnerability to climate disasters and urban-rural disparities are some of our weaknesses. Still, UNCTAD can be leveraged to secure opportunities, climate finance and trade facilitation.

It is imperative for Nepal to promote sustainable tourism, renewable energy, green infrastructure, good governance and meet the expectations of GenZ.

Nepal’s voice in UNCTAD 16 must be bold, strategic and rooted in its lived realities. While emphasizing the priorities of the least developed countries for UNCTAD 16 and the theme of the conference, Nepal is taking part in UNCTAD 16 with a dual imperative: to support the rights and resilience of LDCs and to navigate its own transition from LDC status by 2026. The theme of the conference—“Transforming Trade and Development in an Era of Multi-Crisis”—resonates deeply with Nepal’s structural risks, climate risks and aspirations for inclusive development. UNCTAD 16, to be held in Geneva on 20-23 Oct 2025, focuses on how trade and development policies should evolve in the face of global crises such as climate change, geopolitical tensions, pandemic shocks and financial instability.
For LDCs like Nepal, this theme is not abstract—it reflects lived realities.
Multilateral crisis impact:

Nepal will continue to grapple with climate-induced disasters, supply chain disruptions and volatile remittance flows in the future.

Transformative trade:

Nepal seeks trade patterns that prioritize equity, sustainability and resilience over liberalization. 

Reimagined development:

The country advocates for development models that focus on human dignity, environmental stewardship and regional cooperation.

Nepal’s LDC status: 

Context and concerns
Nepal has been an LDC since 1971. It is scheduled to graduate in November 2026, along with Bangladesh and Laos. While graduation signals progress, it also raises concerns: graduation could end access to preferential trade tariffs, concessional loans, and targeted aid.
Nepal’s economy remains dependent on agriculture, remittances, and informal labor. Despite low emissions, Nepal is vulnerable to floods, landslides, and glacial melt.

Institutionalization of federalism is in progress, and service delivery is uneven.

Nepal’s strategic response:
Nepal has adopted a smooth transition strategy to prepare for upgradation with six pillars:

Macroeconomic stability:

• Strengthening fiscal discipline and monetary flexibility
• Diversifying exports
• Attracting sustainable foreign investment
• Promoting value-added sectors and digital innovation
• Investing in infrastructure, skills and entrepreneurship
• Building adaptive capacity and green infrastructure under climate and disaster risk management
• Ensuring equal access to education, health and justice under social inclusion
• Clarity on “grace periods” to maintain trade priorities and aid

Climate finance:

• Increased adaptation funds and loss-of-loss mechanisms
• Fair trade rules: Protection against tariff and non-tariff barriers
• Technology transfer: Access to digital tools and innovation for development 
• Labor mobility framework: Protection and remittance stability for migrant workers

Overall, Nepal’s voice in UNCTAD 16 is clear: development must be redefined in an era of multiple crises. Graduation from LDC status should not mean abandonment—​​it should be a bridge of resilience, equality and dignity. Nepal can be expected to call on the global community to honor its commitments and walk with LDCs toward a just future. 

While browsing the internet once, I stumbled upon a wild berry called Indian gooseberry (Amla in Nepali and Hindi and Amalaki in Sanskrit). I was swept off of my feet when I dug  deeper and found that the wild berry had bagged the status of the so-called internet-hyped superfood/superfruit, measuring up with others like quinoa, cocoa, cranberry, chia seeds, flax seeds, to name a few, with tall claims that they can make you "live longer and cure and prevent all kinds of diseases."  

There is more. As touted by the Internet, the miracle berry contains twice the amount of antioxidants as açaí berry, and you won't believe it: "A 100-gram serving of fresh amla berries contains as much vitamin C as 20 oranges." Incredible! It was time to dig deeper and investigate this miracle berry with a grain of salt. 

Indian gooseberry (binomial name: Emblica Officinalis or Phyllanthus emblica) is native to India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia, and southern China. As those wild berries are sun-loving, they thrive in subtropical regions. The deciduous Indian gooseberry trees flourish up to 2000 ft above sea level. Formerly collected from the wild, Amla is extensively farmed today in India and Southeast Asia. Given its myriad health benefits, in recent years, gooseberry farming has also commenced in Nepal. Indian gooseberry, a slightly bitter-sour translucent fruit, is, in fact, a household name in Nepal and India. It is eaten fresh, in the form of dried powder dietary supplements, pickles, or the salivating sweet-tangy-spicy chutney—even candies loved by young girls! 

In India, people widely consume the seeds' pips for their high vitamin C content. The goodness and natural healing properties of the Indian gooseberry fruit have been passed down to us for generations, dating back to the days of yore. I still remember my grandma passing them around to us when we were young and explaining their therapeutic properties. This rich cultural heritage associated with Amla makes it more than just a superfood; it's a part of our tradition.

Inarguably one of the most significant ingredients used in traditional Indian medical science, Ayurveda, for millennia, has been revered as a powerful 'Rasayana' (elixir). Amla happens to be one of the vital ingredients in making Chyawanprash, an ayurvedic tonic jam in India. An integral component in Ayurveda, it is widely used in Ayurvedic medicine as a diuretic to relieve constipation, insomnia, and for scalp treatment, among other purposes.

Nutrients per Serving:

A half-cup serving of amla berries contains:

• Calories: 33
• Protein: Less than 1 gram
• Fat: Less than 1 gram
• Carbohydrates: 8 grams
• Fiber: 3 grams
• Sugar: 0 grams

Amla berries are rich in antioxidants, which reduce the risk of chronic health conditions like heart disease, diabetes, and cancer. 

Amla berries are also an excellent source of:

• Vitamin C
• Vitamin E
• Vitamin A
• Iron
• Calcium

(Source: webmd.com)

Cardiovascular health

According to a WHO factsheet, cardiovascular diseases cause more deaths annually than any other ailment–17.9m, over 31 percent of all global deaths. In the USA alone, some 695,000 people die of heart disease in the United States every year–that's 1 in every five deaths.

Indian gooseberries help reduce oxidative stress, nourish the heart muscles, and prevent plaque build-up in the arteries. They contain profuse antioxidants, particularly vitamin C and amino acids, and are rich in chromium and iron. Those berries may also lower cholesterol levels and blood pressure, contributing to a lower risk of stroke and heart attack. 

"It is suggested that amala produces significant hypolipidemic effects along with a reduction in blood pressure. Addition of Amla to the currently available hypolipidemic therapy would offer significant protection against atherosclerosis and coronary artery disease, with reduction in the dose and adverse effects of the hypolipidemic agents." (Source: ncbi.nlm.nih.gov)

Diabetes

Another life-threatening disease that precedes CVDs (cardiovascular diseases) is diabetes; according to the WHO factsheet, about 422m people worldwide have diabetes, and it causes 1.6m deaths every year, with a high number of cases involving blindness, kidney failure, heart attacks, stroke, and lower limb amputation.

Test results for Amla have been significantly promising for type II diabetics. Tests on humans suggest that a daily intake of three grams of dried amla powder lowers the fasting blood sugar level more effectively than the prescribed drug.

Clinical research supports the regular use of Amla in your diet. It stimulates the secretion of insulin hormones by stimulating the body cells. The fruit's high chromium content also controls carbohydrate metabolism and boosts the body's response to insulin. It helps curb erratic fluctuations in blood sugar levels.

The daily intake of Amla is also said to prevent complications such as diabetic neuropathy, a significant cause of nerve damage to the legs and feet.

Liver

One of our body's largest metabolically active organs, the liver, is burdened with heavy work. Some of its functions are producing bile that helps dispose of waste, building protein needed by the blood plasma, clearing the blood of drugs and harmful substances, and a host of other functions that keep our health in order.

The antioxidants, like Vitamin C, flavonoids, gallic acids, and tannins in Amla, safeguard the liver from a drug-induced hepatotoxicity complication and significantly purify the blood.

Cancer

Because of its high ORAC value and rich source of anti-inflammatory and antioxidant compounds, the Indian gooseberry or Amla plays a crucial role in "preventing DNA cell damage from free radicals and oxidative stress." As a result, it works in two ways: first, it helps slow down cancer growth, and second, it assuages the cancerous cells while retaining the healthy ones.

Others

Apart from the above, Amla has been clinically tested to have diuretic, laxative, antimicrobial, and therapeutic properties and is said to fight against:

• Pancreatitis
• Hair health/loss
• Age-related renal dysfunction
• Alzheimer's disease
• Anti-aging of DNA
• Eye problems
• Menstrual cramps
• Diarrhea and dysentery
• Piles

The ease of its availability and affordable price make Amla, or the Indian gooseberry, one of the best superfruits, nay, the 'miracle fruit' bargains. Now that you know how nutrient-dense Amla is, working it into your diet is no big deal–granted, you exercise moderation when incorporating it into your diet regimen. Its accessibility and cost-effectiveness make it a practical choice for anyone looking to boost their health. 

(Disclaimer: The views expressed are solely research-based and intended for informative and educational purposes only. Readers are advised to exercise discretion and consult credible sources or a qualified healthcare professional for further verification.)

A month after the violent Gen-Z protests of Sept 8–9 shook the nation, former prime minister KP Sharma Oli has resurfaced—defiant, unbowed, and unrepentant. In a rare interaction with editors, he dismissed the current interim administration led by Sushila Karki as “unconstitutional,” ruled out any possibility of elections in March, and called for the restoration of parliament as the only legitimate way forward.

“This government was born out of the pressure, not the constitution,” he declared, leaning into his familiar mix of grievance and confidence. What followed was a long and wide-ranging conversation that offered a glimpse into Oli’s political state of mind—part justification, part warning, and part self-assurance that he may yet return to power.

Social media ban that sparked the fire

Oli stood by his government’s decision to ban social media — the very trigger that ignited the youth-led movement. According to him, the step was neither sudden nor authoritarian.

“For a year and a half, we’d been requesting global platforms to register in Nepal,” he said. “TikTok was banned until it complied. Out of 26 platforms, some were processing registration, while others flatly refused to follow our constitution or pay taxes.”

He insisted the ban was meant to be temporary, claiming that discussions were underway with several platforms. But by the time those talks progressed, the streets had already erupted.

Understanding and undermining GenZ’s demands

Oli said he was not opposed to the protesters’ core demands: good governance, anti-corruption, and the restoration of digital freedoms. “Their concerns were genuine,” he said, “and the government was already working to address them.”

But he was quick to add a caveat. “The protests lacked specificity on corruption. Until Sept 7, security agencies reported no major threats. They said the students would protest peacefully and return home.”

On the generational accusation of “nepo baby politics,” he sounded irritated. “I don’t accept that term. Why scare children with such words? It’s not arrogance; it’s about fairness.” Oli said that Gen-Z protestors have not called for his resignation. 

He stated that it is natural for parents to love, care for, and provide opportunities to their children, and accused that portraying this in a negative light has caused mental stress to children and youth.

The three phases of the protests

Oli broke down the Sept 8–9 events into what he called “three distinct stages.” The first, on the morning of Sept 8, involved peaceful student demonstrations that soon spiraled out of control. “Infiltrators provoked the crowd, using students as shields,” he alleged.

The second phase, later that day, was marked by “coordinated violence,” and the third on Sept 9 by widespread unrest. “Students were killed to create a pretext for chaos,” he said, adding that his government had formed a probe panel the same day 19 students died.

‘Cell seized for three days’

For the first time, Oli revealed details of his dramatic exit from power. He said that after resigning at around 1 pm on Sept 9, he was whisked away from Baluwatar by the Nepal Army and taken to a military barrack “for security reasons.”

“My phone was seized for three days,” he said. “I got it back only after Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister on Sept 12.”

Asked whether this amounted to house arrest, Oli replied: “I was under the Army’s security. Call it whatever you want.”

On Karki’s appointment

Oli maintained that he had not nominated anyone as his successor. “Yes, I gave my recommendation, but I didn’t name any individual, including Karki,” he said.

According to him, both President Ramchandra Paudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel met him at the barrack before appointing the new prime minister. “I told them a government must be formed within the constitutional and parliamentary framework, and they agreed.”

‘This government is unconstitutional’

The former prime minister remains unwavering in his stance that the Karki-led administration violates the constitution.

“As per the constitution, a former chief justice cannot hold top executive office, except in the National Human Rights Commission,” he said. “Is this how democracy works? Is this how a prime minister is chosen — throught voting and discord ? That’s not democracy; that’s a spectacle.”

He added: “Should I lie because I’m afraid? Should I bow down and speak untruths?”

Rejecting the probe commission

Oli made it clear he would not cooperate with the probe commission headed by former judge, Gauri Bahadur Karki.

“I won’t appear before that commission,” he said. “Just because KP Oli is innocent, does that mean commissions can be formed anywhere and I must go and give statements? KP Oli doesn’t betray himself.”

‘Probe my property’

Responding to reports that government agencies are investigating the assets of major political leaders, including himself, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Oli sounded unfazed.

“Even journalists can investigate my property,” he said. “There might be around two million rupees in my account — my salary savings. The government can check if I have any bank accounts abroad.”

Talk of a comeback

Asked about his political future, Oli smiled. “If things continue like this, the chances of KP Oli’s return increase,” he said. “People won’t tolerate this disorder for long.”

Environment not conducive for polls

Oli dismissed the idea of elections on March 5, calling them “impossible under the current situation.”

“Over 4,000 prisoners are still on the loose, and 1,200 weapons have been looted. How can elections take place in such an environment?” he asked.

His party, CPN-UML, has since decided to prioritize parliamentary restoration over elections,  a move he says reflects political reality, not opportunism.

‘They want to arrest us’

Oli accused the interim government of planning to arrest him and other senior leaders. “Prime Minister Karki has been meeting with the Attorney General and other officials to find ways to detain us,” he alleged. “It’s a mockery of democracy when leaders can’t move freely in their own country.”

‘I won’t step down’

Oli brushed aside internal calls to resign as UML party chair. “Sher Bahadur Deuba has appointed an acting president because he’s unwell. But I’m fit. So why should I?”

He said the party’s upcoming General Convention in December will be the place to raise questions, not the media. “Leadership is decided by people, not pundits,” he said.

On criticism about his age, Oli turned philosophical and a little playful. “The US president (81) is older than me, Putin is seven months younger, and Bangladesh’s prime minister is 82,” he said. “Leadership isn’t about age; it’s about timing and necessity.”

Oli stated that there are still many who want to see him in the party leadership. If I do not play, another captain will emerge, Oli said, for now, they are still looking to KP Oli as a captain. 

He said: “I have the ability to work, I am physically fit. This is a matter of the needs of the country and the party.” 

A hint at external hands

Toward the end of the conversation, Oli sidestepped questions about “foreign involvement” in the protests, a topic he had previously raised within his party. He offered only a hint: “There are external influences shaping the current situation.” He then turned his attention to the media. “Some outlets played a provocative role during the protests,” he said. “But I urge journalists to not practice self-censorship. Write the truth, without fear.”

  Uncertain time 

KP Oli said that he is loyal to the country and the people. The country has entered a state of uncertainty.  The values and principles I speak are of the matters of my conviction, Oli said.

An abrupt incident that occurred in early September 2025 in Nepal was unprecedented on many levels. A peaceful protest, spearheaded by the country’s Generation Z (Gen-Z), evolved into a nationwide outcry against deep-rooted corruption, systemic nepotism, and the controversial ban on social media. The demonstrations, held on September 8 and 9, resulted in unexpected human casualties and extensive socio-economic damage, sending shockwaves throughout the country’s political landscape.

The gravity of these events prompted the formation of an Interim Government tasked with stabilizing the country, restoring public trust, and conducting elections for members of the House of Representatives on March 5, 2026. However, a clear and sustainable roadmap—particularly one ensuring elections on the stated date—remains elusive. Amidst this uncertainty, a window of opportunity has opened: one where critical reforms may be introduced, institutional weaknesses addressed, and the aspirations of a new generation taken seriously.

Key demands

The protests marked a pivotal moment in Nepal’s modern political history—not only because of their scale, but also due to the clarity of Gen-Z’s demands. This generation, born and raised in the post-monarchical, federal democratic era, is no longer willing to accept outdated practices in governance.

Their demands include the establishment of good governance through investigations of all corruption cases from 1990 to 2025 by a competent and trusted body. They have called for the elimination of nepotism and favoritism, as reflected in social media trends against “nepo kids” and “nepo babies.”

They have also expressed their interest in overhauling the current political system and ending long-lasting political leadership. They favor a directly elected executive model and demand comprehensive reform of the electoral system. Their concerns include ensuring transparent and merit-based appointments to high-level positions such as judges, commissioners, and ambassadors. They have also called for a review of the federal structure—particularly the distribution of powers between the federal and provincial levels—along with administrative reforms.

These demands are both ambitious and constitutionally complex, and responding to them will require careful legal, political, and institutional maneuvering.

Constitutional provisions and legal constraints

The Constitution of Nepal provides a degree of flexibility for reform but also contains clear limitations in addressing Gen-Z’s demands. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is the designated body to investigate corruption, while adjudication lies with the Special Court. There is currently no constitutional provision for an alternative authority to carry out such wide-ranging corruption investigations.

In terms of structural reforms, the Constitution requires a two-thirds majority to approve any change in the form of government, electoral system, or federal structure. Amendments impacting the provincial structure or exclusive provincial powers (as per Schedule 6) require approval from the respective Provincial Assemblies. The Constitution does allow for referendums, but only with a two-thirds majority approval of Parliament.

These processes, while theoretically feasible, are heavily dependent on the cooperation of established political parties—the very institutions whose legitimacy has been called into question by Gen-Z protesters.

Emerging challenges in a volatile political climate

The September 2025 events have placed Nepal’s political status quo under considerable strain. Established political parties, many of which feel threatened by the scale and popularity of the Gen-Z movement, have shown reluctance to endorse investigations or constitutional amendments that may jeopardize their authority.

Several key challenges lie ahead. First, political resistance: the established leadership is unlikely to support any reforms that could lead to their displacement or reduced influence. Second, while the Interim Government has been mandated to conduct elections on March 5, 2026, this may not be feasible without the full cooperation of political parties. Continued protests and ideological conflicts between Gen-Z activists and political traditionalists could deepen societal divides.

Additionally, differences among Gen-Z groups on various issues have also surfaced, potentially weakening their collective strength. Implementing some of Gen-Z’s demands, such as the direct election of the executive, would require major constitutional overhauls. If the transition falters or fails, it could open the door to authoritarian alternatives—a scenario that would be catastrophic for democratic consolidation. Revisiting issues such as federalism and secularism without national consensus could also ignite deeper communal or regional tensions, potentially recalling the decade-long domestic conflict.

Building a constructive roadmap: Immediate and medium-term steps​​​​​​​

To stabilize the political environment and move toward meaningful reform, Nepal must embrace a carefully coordinated and inclusive strategy. The Interim Government must demonstrate impartiality and competence, ensuring legitimacy across all demographic and political lines.

To address the damage caused during the protests, a transparent and independent body should be formed to investigate the events of September 2025, including loss of life, property damage, and underlying grievances. Financial and technical support from development partners will be crucial for implementing systemic reforms and ensuring a credible electoral process.

Launching an inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue on constitutional amendments—particularly electoral reform, federal competencies, and leadership structures—is essential. There is broad understanding among Gen-Z activists and political thinkers that constitutional reform should follow the elections; therefore, dialogues on reform priorities must begin now within civil society, Gen-Z networks, and political parties.

To ensure good governance, a trusted commission must be established to investigate historic corruption cases, without overlapping with the jurisdiction of the CIAA. Robust dialogue among Gen-Z leaders, political parties, civil society, and government bodies should be institutionalized through town hall meetings, one-on-one dialogues, public interactions through media, working groups, and policy forums.

Clear mechanisms should also be developed to include Gen-Z in political discourse—whether through advisory roles, youth assemblies, or integration into party reform processes.

Question of timely elections: Possibilities, pitfalls, and consequences​​​​​​​

Despite uncertainties, there are several positive indicators regarding the upcoming election. The Election Commission of Nepal (ECN) has committed to the scheduled timeline. The Ministry of Finance has confirmed the availability of necessary resources, and most political parties have expressed interest in participating.

However, significant challenges could derail the process, such as continued agitation from both Gen-Z and traditional parties, unmet youth expectations, leadership disputes within parties, and corruption probes linked to the September events. If these risks are not addressed, the election may either be postponed or produce outcomes unacceptable to large segments of the population, particularly the youth.

Role of Civil Society: The contribution of NLS and GEOC

Civil society organizations such as the Nepal Law Society (NLS) and the General Election Observation Committee (GEOC) have a critical role to play in facilitating this transition. Both organizations have been involved in the observation of several elections in the past.

The NLS, in particular, has supported the constitution-making process by providing independent forums for dialogue on key issues, policy guidance, and capacity development. In the current context, their contributions can include:

• Building coordination mechanisms among Gen-Z, political parties, and the government;

• Supporting electoral preparations through legal advice, technical expertise, and observation;

• Promoting public dialogue through workshops, interactions, and publications;

• Advising on constitutional reforms, including drafting model amendments;

• Monitoring corruption and ensuring transparency and public trust; and

• Mediating conflicts and preventing escalation through peaceful negotiation platforms.

These organizations can serve as neutral venues bridging competing forces, upholding both legal integrity and democratic aspirations.

Conclusion: From crisis to opportunity

Nepal stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. The Gen-Z protests have not only exposed long-standing governance failures but also ignited a national conversation on constitutional and governance reform and the future of leadership.

This moment presents an opportunity to establish a people-centric, democratic, accountable, transparent, and ethical system of governance. The Interim Government, political parties, civil society, and international partners must now seize this moment—not to suppress dissent, but to channel it constructively.

By embracing transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, Nepal can emerge from this period not only with a renewed political mandate but also with stronger democratic foundations for a prosperous future.

(Pradhan is Chief Executive Director of the Nepal Law Society and Secretary General of the General Election Observation Committee.)