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The recent wave of youth-led activism in Nepal—the GenZ revolt—has rightly torn open the rotten underbelly of political corruption, nepotism and dynastic power. It has been a blistering attack on Singhadurbar, the symbolic heart of governmental misrule.

Yet, if this revolt stops at the political gates, it will fail to uproot the deeper, more insidious culture of unaccountability that suffocates this country. The next frontier lies not only beyond Parliament but across the entire landscape of privileged power—inside the polished offices of NGOs and INGOs, the judiciary, the armed forces, the bureaucracy, the corporations, and, most critically, the compromised media establishment. The revolution must now move from a critique of politicians to a critique of all elites.

A compromised watchdog

A free and independent press is often called the fourth pillar of democracy. But in Nepal, that pillar has been hollowed out—eaten away by political alignment, corporate control and donor dependency. When a watchdog becomes dependent on the hand that feeds it, it no longer barks; it guards the master’s house.

Many so-called “independent” outlets are owned by business families or political investors whose real interest lies not in journalism but in influence. Editorial lines are quietly auctioned off to whoever offers the most—in advertising, contracts or access. Government and corporate advertising now function as veiled bribes, buying silence or favorable coverage. Investigative journalism—the heartbeat of democratic accountability—has been replaced by a toxic blend of propaganda, sensationalism, and self-censorship.

The NGO elite

Corruption does not stop at Singhadurbar or in media newsrooms; it extends deep into the NGO and INGO world that claims to represent the “voice of civil society.” For far too long, the development sector has worn the halo of moral superiority while operating as a parallel elite structure—opaque, unaccountable and self-perpetuating.

Founders of major NGOs often treat their organizations as personal estates, remaining chairpersons or executive directors for decades, drawing high salaries, controlling grants and filling boards with loyalists who block reform. Just as politicians are not meant to rule for life, civil society and NGO leaders must also retire from their high-paid, benefit-laden positions after a few years. Activism is not a career ladder or a lifetime pension; it is a public service.

Nepal’s NGO ecosystem has become a closed circuit of privilege where the same names circulate across boards, consultancies and “capacity-building” projects. Development work is too often reduced to a marketplace of donor contracts, where accountability is measured by paperwork rather than people’s progress. Audit reports verify numbers, not ethics; receipts, not results. If audits were enough, there would be no corruption anywhere in the world.

Donors also bear responsibility. They must not fund the same NGOs and INGOs for decades, especially those whose operating costs and salaries absorb the bulk of development budgets. Instead, international and domestic funding should support smaller NGOs and local civil society groups, empowering genuine grassroots initiatives rather than perpetuating elite monopolies.

Radical transparency

The moral strength of the GenZ movement lies in its uncompromising demand for radical transparency. That demand must extend to every sphere of power—political, bureaucratic, corporate, media, and NGO. Every institution that receives public, corporate or donor funds must be open to citizen scrutiny.

NGOs and INGOs must publicly disclose their total donor funds, salary scales, consultant fees, and operational expenses. Media houses must declare their true ownership and major advertisers, especially those linked to political or corporate entities. Judges, generals, chief editors and NGO directors—anyone wielding public influence—must be required to disclose their assets. Transparency is not a political weapon; it is the foundation of public trust.

The solution: CWGG

To make accountability a living reality, Nepal needs a Citizen Watchdog and Good Governance (CWGG) body—an independent, non-political civic mechanism that bridges people and power. This body would enforce accountability by receiving and tracking complaints of corruption, mismanagement, and nepotism across all sectors. It would verify impact through youth-led, community-based monitoring before forwarding substantiated cases to the appropriate legal authorities. And it would empower citizens by serving as a civic advisory hub—providing reliable, unbiased information about essential public processes: how to seek justice in domestic violence cases, apply for a driving license, follow legal procedures for foreign employment, take loans from banks or cooperatives, file lawsuits, access free legal aid, register to vote, or start a small business, etc.

In short, the CWGG would replace confusion and exploitation with clarity and empowerment—helping ordinary people make informed decisions and reclaim agency over their lives. Nepal’s fight against corruption is no longer a two-front war between the people and politicians. It is a multi-front moral revolution. The same scrutiny that brought Singhadurbar to its knees must now reach the air-conditioned boardrooms of NGOs, the glass offices of corporate media and the donor-funded corridors of “development.”

Universal ethics

GenZ is the only generation bold enough to confront all these elites and rebuild Nepal on the foundation of radical honesty and collective accountability. The revolution has only begun. The next 'obstacle to democracy' is not just inside Singhadurbar—it is also sitting comfortably in the name of “development,” “governance,” and even “press freedom.”

Tihar, the most awaited festival after Dashain for many, is in the corner. People wait for this festival for many reasons, like lights, colors, and probably money they receive as dakshina. I love them all. But the most important aspect that every Nepali person waits for is the day when we light the house with diyos (traditional oil lamps made with clay). Every year, thousands of diyos are bought by many to light up their house. In the pottery square of Bhaktapur, many potters are seen drying their clay works in the sun. The area is made in such a way where the sun rays don’t fade away till evening. Every shop has divided their area to dry their work in the same ground. Traditionally, people from the Prajapati caste are involved in the work of creating clay and earthenware products. But today, this job is not just limited to the Prajapatis.

Samir Dhonju got into this profession because he was interested in the artistic work that goes into making earthenware goods.  “There was a time when this work was associated with people a certain caste, but things have changed these days. I really enjoy working with clay and making various products,” he says.  Dhonju has been doing this for a year now and he wishes other youths like him to join the profession. “There is certainly a good scope in this line of work, but many young people just don’t want to get their hands dirty,” he adds. Dhonju enjoys the creativity involved in making clay products.  

Shiva Prasad Prajapati, who has continued his family generational profession, says his family shop has existed since the Malla period, making it one of the oldest in his neighborhood. 

“Almost 8 or 9 generations of my family have followed this craft,” he says. For this year’s Tihar festival, he has already made around 200,000 diyos. “I started working before the Dashain festival and I’ve already sent the diyos to the market, which is why there isn’t much rush in my shop,” he says. 
His diyos are delivered to places like Kathmandu, Kavre, and Barhabise.  

Shiva Prasad sells a dozen diyos for Rs 40, while 100 pieces can cost up to Rs 400 depending on demand. He says the clay used in making diyos are not readily available these days. 

“We used to collect the clay from forests around Doleshwor and Suryabinayak, but now it’s illegal. So we have to go through a proper tender process to procure clay these days, which makes it costlier,” he adds. 

Not far away from Shiva Prasad’s shop, Ranjana Prajapati is busy drying freshly made diyos. She started the shop some nine years ago and made a good earning, until people started using electric lights instead of traditional diyos to light up their homes during Tihar. 

“The demands for diyos have definitely gone down, but the demand has not entirely died out,” she says. “Diyo demand shoots up during the time of Tihar, because there are still many people who understand the cultural and traditional values of lighting diyos.”   

In the run-up to the Tihar festival, Ranjana has already made 10,000 diyos, which she says is far fewer than in the previous years. 

Ranjana fears hers will be the last generation to continue her family profession, as her children are not interested in pottery making.  

Budhi Ram Prajapati, who is in his seventies, didn’t make any diyos for this year’s Tihar. “Demands have gone down, and I can’t make diyos with the same speed and precision like in my heydays,” he says. 

There was a time when he could make up to 35,000 diyos all by himself. Today, only Budhi Ram and his wife run their clay workshop. Their children left the generational craft to pursue more lucrative enterprises. 

Budhi Ram notes the contradiction: while the number of households is rising, the demand for diyos is falling.    

For Aakash Karmacharya, however, traditional diyo lamps hold deep cultural significance.“I love the warm glow of diyos. I find them far better than those distracting LED lights,” he says. Karmacharya is one of those people who prefers traditional practice over convenience of modernity when observing a cultural festival like Tihar.  

For generations, potters in Bhaktapur and beyond have shaped these symbols of light with care and devotion, their hands preserving a legacy that goes far beyond decoration. Though challenges like rising costs and fading demand persist, the spirit behind each diyo remains strong.

“While electric lights may be easier and more convenient, the humble diyos hold a deeper meaning of culture, craft, and community, and it is our responsibility to preserve the tradition,” says Karmacharya. 

Following a month of fear driven by GenZ protests, major political parties, primarily the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, are holding crucial meetings to address issues such as leadership change, elections, and their stance on the Sept 8–9 demonstrations. The main agenda for both parties is leadership transition.

On Oct 14, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president. He also announced that he will not contest for the presidency in the upcoming general convention. For now, the leadership issue within the NC remains on hold, with growing speculation over who will succeed Deuba. Around 53 percent of the party’s general convention representatives have submitted a memo to acting president Khadka demanding a special general convention. As per the party statute, a special convention must be called if 40 percent of representatives make such a demand. Deuba has already instructed party leaders to convene the convention as soon as possible.

Within the UML, KP Sharma Oli said in the party’s central committee meeting on Oct 15 that he is ready to relinquish leadership if the party’s central committee or general convention decides so. He, however, urged leaders not to pressure him to resign through social media.. Oli maintained that he has done nothing wrong and therefore sees no reason to give up power. Before the GenZ protests, Oli had stated that he would either remain party chair or retire altogether, refusing to serve as the party’s “second man.” The UML plans to hold its convention in the second week of December.

In the CPN (Maoist Center), Pushpa Kamal Dahal has taken a strategic step by converting the party’s central committee into a general convention organizing committee, naming himself its convener. Dahal is now forming GenZ wings within the party that support the continuation of his leadership. Publicly, Dahal has stated that he does not intend to retire from active politics.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is expected to retain Rabi Lamichhane as party chairman. However, the party is seeking a popular face to assume a more active leadership role, as Lamichhane’s status remains uncertain. Discussions are reportedly underway with Kul Man Ghising, the current Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, to become the party’s deputy chief.

One thing is clear: in the coming months, major political parties will remain occupied with conventions and leadership transitions.

Alongside internal matters, parties are clarifying their positions on the March 5 elections. The UML is emphasizing the restoration of Parliament instead of fresh polls, arguing that the current government is unconstitutional and that a free and fair election is not possible under present circumstances. Speaker Dev Raj Ghimire has been consulting with political parties to solicit their views on parliamentary restoration. In a document presented to the UML’s central committee, Oli proposed launching street protests to press for the revival of Parliament. UML leaders are hopeful about restoration, partly because several senior Supreme Court justices have past affiliations with UML and NC. However, they fear a split among the judges, which could result in a fractured verdict.

There are also doubts over whether parties could manage GenZ protesters if Parliament is revived, since its dissolution was one of the major demands of Prime Minister Sushila Karki when she assumed office. Observers warn that restoring Parliament could lead to another round of political conflict.

At this juncture, the NC’s position remains crucial. For now, it appears the party is keeping both options of Parliament restoration and fresh elections open. The NC has said it is ready for elections, but argues that the government has failed to create a conducive environment. Party leaders claim they continue to receive threats and intimidation from some protesters, while the government has failed to control such activities. NC leaders also assert that, as in the past, they will not be swayed by Oli on national matters. Much will depend on how intra-party dynamics unfold within the party, as senior leaders may struggle to form a unified position in Deuba’s absence.

The Maoist Center was the first to declare that elections are the only way out of the current crisis. The party believes it could gain strength in a new parliament, as NC and UML were the main targets of the GenZ protests. The Maoists were also the first to acknowledge the GenZ movement.

Meanwhile, second-tier leaders of major communist parties are exploring the possibility of left unity. They argue that UML, the Maoists, and smaller communist factions should at least form an electoral alliance if full party unification is not feasible. However, Oli remains central to this process. On Oct 15, Dahal publicly said that left unity could be possible if Oli steps down. Some UML leaders believe unification might happen if former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returns to the party and assumes leadership.

So far, the major political parties have not held a joint meeting to find common ground on elections. Such a meeting could be pivotal in shaping a collective position. The election is still five months away, and if consensus is reached between the government and major parties, polls could be held within three months. Although President Ramchandra Paudel convened the first round of talks between the government and political parties last week, substantive negotiations have yet to begin.

Prime Minister Karki remains hesitant to invite party leaders to Baluwatar, fearing GenZ backlash. There are deep divisions between the government and political parties over how to interpret the Sept 8–9 protests. The government focuses on the Sept 8 incident, when 21 youths were killed in police firing, and is reportedly preparing to arrest then Prime Minister Oli and then Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their alleged roles. The parties, however, insist that those responsible for the arson and vandalism of Sept 9 must also be held accountable to ensure a conducive electoral environment. The Home Ministry’s directive to police not to arrest those responsible for the arson has heightened tensions between the government and parties.

While the government views the GenZ protests as a revolution, political parties do not. They acknowledge the legitimacy of some GenZ demands but reject the idea of it being a people’s uprising. The UML and Maoist Center suspect external involvement, with Oli being more vocal about it. Recently, Dahal hinted at a “geopolitical factor” behind the protests, while Oli, in his party document claimed the incident was “a continuation of the so-called color revolutions that various powerful nations have carried out since the Cold War … to undermine the country’s sovereignty, democracy, and constitution.”

Whether elections will take place remains uncertain. 

An NC leader said, “The ball is in the government’s court. If it creates a conducive environment, the parties cannot refuse elections.” After the Tihar festival, the Supreme Court will begin hearings on the petitions against Parliament’s dissolution. At the same time, various political parties and groups are preparing for street demonstrations with their own demands.

A UML leader remarked, “We are not sure whether the government will take a confrontational approach or choose reconciliation.” 

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Karki is under pressure from President Paudel to engage with political parties and create an environment for elections. Earlier, Karki rejected Paudel's suggestion to include party representatives in the cabinet, opting instead for a party-less government. A source close to the President said Karki was appointed the prime minister with a single, specific mandate of holding elections. “She should focus solely on that; otherwise, problems may arise,” the source warned.

The repeated promulgation of constitutions shows that Nepal has been a constitutional laboratory for experimenting with various democratic models. From the Rana oligarchy to absolute kingship, the partyless Hindu monarchy, multiparty democracy and now a federal republican system, the country has transitioned through diverse political frameworks. After decades under the unitary system, Nepal has embraced federalism since 2015. 

These transitions reveal that Nepal has adopted a new constitution almost every decade in a span of 75 years. Recently, some groups have started advocating for a directly-elected executive form of government—the only model yet untested. The recurring failure of political leadership is often mistaken as the failure of constitutions, prompting public frustration and calls for change. However, no constitutional reform can succeed without honest, visionary and committed leadership. 

In the 1940s, public outrage ended the Rana regime. During the 1950s, King Tribhuvan restored monarchical authority, and later King Mahendra imposed a partyless system that faced strong public resistance. In response, King Birendra promulgated the 1990 constitution, recognizing multiparty democracy. Yet, it was later replaced by the interim constitution of 2007, which in turn gave way to the 2015 constitution—the first drafted by people's elected representatives as mandated by the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Accord that formally ended the decade long (1996-2006) Maoist insurgency.

Chronicles of change  

Of Nepal’s seven Constitutions, the Government of Nepal Act, 1948 was the first constitutional document. However, it did not vest sovereignty in the people of Nepal. 

Professor Laxmi Prasad Kharel, in Comparative Law and Nepalese Legal System, observed that the 1948 Act was “doomed to die from its inception”—the Ranas opposed sharing power, and the people rejected it for failing to meet their expectations. 

During the Rana era (1846–1951), state power was monopolized by the Rana family. Jung Bahadur (1817–77) seized power in 1846 and made himself permanent prime minister.

In 1951, an Interim Constitution was introduced but King Tribhuvan failed to fulfil his promise of establishing a constituent assembly. The King retained the power to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister and Ministers and the cabinet functioned at his pleasure. The interim constitution lasted eight years, during which King Mahendra ascended the throne and imposed a direct rule on 1 Feb 1958, governing nearly two years without any constitution. 

In 1959, King Mahendra promulgated a new constitution where the Cabinet was accountable not only to the parliament but also to the King. He retained sweeping powers, including the power to dissolve the government and lower house and declare emergency under Article 55—making him politically supreme. In 1962, he replaced it with another constitution establishing the party-less Panchayat system, combining monarchical and parliamentary features. It banned political parties and imposed discriminatory citizenship provisions requiring knowledge of Nepali language. 

The 1962 constitution was replaced by the 1990 constitution, adopted after the people’s movement. The 1990 constitution introduced a multi-party democracy system and an independent judiciary. 

Federal dreams  

The 1990 constitution also failed to survive for long. The Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 was crafted through a political understanding following the abolition of the constitutional monarchy. It served as a transitional framework until a new constitution could be promulgated through the Constituent Assembly. 

The interim constitution, 2007 was the first Constitution to be written by Members of Parliament. It mandated the Constituent Assembly to enact a formal Constitution institutionalizing republicanism, federalism and secularism. 

During the period of 2007 to 2015, “The first priority today has to be the creation of a truly federal, democratic, republican political system and to ensure its development rising above the party-political lines and transient priorities. This task cannot be accomplished by limiting oneself to a certain political ism or anti-ism,” observes political scientist and professor Krishna Khanal in his book Federalism in Nepal: Management and Implementation.

Prof Bipin Adhikari in his book, Salient Features of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015, observes that inclusivity and diversity are the core focus of the 2015 constitution. However, Nepal’s journey toward inclusion depends, to a great extent, on the quality of democracy and constitutionalism it will achieve on the foundation of its constitution, argues Prof Adhikari in another book, From Exclusion to Inclusion: Crafting a New Legal Regime in Nepal. 

So, how can one discredit the progressive features of the current constitution? We can find hope in every political movement, but in Nepal’s case, the political transformations have, often, failed to deliver. Frequent repeal or enactment of constitutions cannot be considered a yardstick of a healthy democracy. Rather, the actual implementation of the constitution should serve as the foundation for good governance and a truly healthy democracy.   

Let’s build, not blame 

The problems in politics should not be mistaken for problems in the constitution. Merely testing different constitutional models cannot provide a lasting solution. The enactment of a constitution is not a magic stick to transform the state. What Nepal needs now is collective commitment to effectively implement the constitution. 

Conflicting provisions, if any, can always be amended through due process. Actual transformation can be achieved through constitutional stability, not through frequent changes of constitutions.  Weak governance, a politically influenced administration and public dissatisfaction with political leadership are to blame for the current mess, not the constitution.