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Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is preparing to lead the CPN-UML for a third consecutive term, a move not uncommon in communist parties. To facilitate this, the party is set to amend its statute at the upcoming statute convention next month. The proposed amendment would remove the two-term limit and the 70-year age cap for the party leadership. The rationale is straightforward: Oli is already 74, and party insiders argue there is no other leader capable of steering the party through the current challenging situation.

“In the seventh general convention, I myself had proposed the 70-year age limit, but the context of the party and the country has changed entirely,” Oli told the UML Central Committee on Monday. His push for a third term is not without precedent. Madhav Kumar Nepal, now leading a separate party, served as the UML's executive general secretary for 15 years, from 1993 to 2008. Still, within UML, there is no clear or consistent policy regarding age or term limits for top leadership roles.

Oli’s supporters insist he must remain at the helm for at least five more years, arguing that the party faces a monumental challenge in becoming the largest political force in the 2027 elections. Within the UML, Oli continues to project himself as the undisputed leader, and is determined not to allow the rise of any rival faction. According to leaders close to him, Oli has repeatedly made it clear that he will not settle for being the party's second-in-command.

Oli has also consistently warned against the formation of factions. In the ongoing Central Committee meeting, Oli cautioned leaders against acting as “spokesperson” for former president Bidya Devi Bhandari, as speculation grows about her potential entry into party politics. Among UML’s senior leadership, figures such as Ishwar Pokhrel, Yubaraj Gyawali, Astha Laxmi Shakya, Ram Bahadur Thapa, Surendra Pandey, Shankar Pokhrel, and Pradeep Gyawali remain influential. Of these, only Pokhrel and Pandey are seen as sympathetic to Bhandari.

Oli first became UML chairperson in 2015 after defeating Madhav Kumar Nepal, and won again in 2021, decisively beating Bhim Rawal, despite his aim for a unanimous endorsement. Following disagreements with Oli, Nepal left UML to form the CPN (Unified Socialist), while Rawal also exited the party. Within Nepal’s communist parties, long-term leadership is not uncommon. CPN (Maoist Centre) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has led his party since the 1980s without holding intra-party elections and has indicated that he intends to remain in power indefinitely.

Dahal’s key rivals, Baburam Bhattarai and Mohan Baidya, have already departed from the Maoist party. Although Janardhan Sharma has emerged as a potential challenger, he has yet to pose a serious threat to Dahal’s leadership. Meanwhile, CPN (Unified Socialist) Chair Nepal has refused to step down, despite ongoing corruption cases filed against him by the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority.

UML, however, has traditionally operated differently from the Maoists and other fringe parties. Since 1990, it has held regular intra-party elections to choose its leadership, the last of which was in 2021 that re-elected Oli. To win a third term, Oli will once again need to secure internal support.

The recent public statement by former President Bhandari announcing her return to active politics has sparked criticism of Oli’s third-term ambition. Oli maintains that he deserves another term, citing significant progress in party organization. He told the Central Committee that ordinary party membership had increased by 28 percent under his leadership. Moreover, he emphasized the absence of ideological or policy disputes within the party and called on all members to work collectively to position UML as the decisive political force in 2027.

Bhandari’s re-entry into party politics could pose a serious challenge to Oli’s dominance. However, Oli has publicly stated that a former head of state should not return to active politics, arguing that doing so would undermine the dignity of the presidential office. Referring to leaders close to Bhandari, he accused them of deliberately trying to create discord within the party. Oli is aware that Bhandari’s political engagement could lead to the emergence of a strong rival faction, potentially challenging his leadership at the upcoming general convention. In recent months, Bhandari has been quietly working to consolidate her influence within the party. Nevertheless, Oli continues to enjoy a firm grip over the party, with dissenting voices largely subdued.

A nation once deeply rooted in patriarchal traditions, Nepal continues to bear traces of the oppressive legacy. The influence can be seen in the male dominance in politics which fuels the perception that women are secondary players in leadership. Women in politics continue to face a pervasive narrative, rooted in historical stereotypes: men are meant to be strong leaders and women are supposed to be good supporters. Generalized instances of underperformance by women are frequently used to question the collective competence of women leaders. This fallacy not only reinforces irrelevant stereotypes but also disregards the reality that political efficacy is not determined by gender but by individual’s capability, dedication and output.

Renu Chand, a central committee member of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), Member of the Constituent Assembly and current National Assembly member firmly rejects the narrative that women’s electoral losses reflect their incompetence. “Every male who gets a ticket to run for the election doesn’t win; the same should go for women; this is how election results work” says Chand, rejecting the narrative that women’s electoral losses reflect on their personal incompetence. She dismantles the flawed logic that equates electoral losses with weakness for a particular gender only. Chand’s words highlight the double standard that continues to define Nepal’s political landscape; the idea that women must constantly prove they belong, while men are allowed to fail without being labeled or consequence.

Chand further sheds light on the overlooked struggles of women in politics - their inherent multitasking abilities of balancing family and professional roles, showcasing their resilience. She mentions, “some may struggle due to various relevant reasons but it is inaccurate to brand all women in politics as incapable”. Selective criticism on the basis of gender is simply used as a tactic to uphold patriarchal norms and discourage women leaders from pursuing leadership roles. It works by amplifying the shortcomings while ignoring similar failings in men. This bias leads to the continuation of the stereotype that men are better suited for leadership. She recalls how, during Nepal’s civil war during 1995-2006, many women joined the movement and they fought hand in hand with men. “But as soon as the civil war ended, many women were sent back to households while men continued to pursue their political career” she adds.

Member of Parliament Roshan Karki, also a senior leader of National Democratic Party (RPP), highlights, “women are inherently more giving in nature and often sacrifice their career, particularly as mothers, wives and to support their families”. She points out that, “in families where men are involved in politics, women frequently step back to let their male counterparts advance. This self-sacrificing nature along with the societal structures that favor men, pose a disadvantage for women in general”.

Nepali women have been held back, not because of lack of potential but due to denial of equal access to opportunities or acceptance. In Nepal the preference for male children is very strong and that is reflected in terms of educational attainment and other opportunities as well. While this is changing in modern times, its impact is still visible. Former Member of Parliament and Constituent Assembly member Shanti Pakhrin, a member of Communist Party of Nepal (UML), puts emphasis on the transformative journey that women of Nepal have undertaken from restricted domestic roles to prominent leadership positions, women are coming to the forefront. “Since the starting line was not the same for all, we cannot expect the same results instantly”. Pakhrin emphasizes the need for positive feedback rather than negative criticism. In addition, it is equally important to understand that meaningful change requires time and continual support and promotion. 

Member of Constituent Assembly, Rita Shahi, a member of Nepali Congress Party, adds to Pakhrin’s narrative by saying, “there is a tendency to impose the incapability narrative while ignoring society’s own role in empowering women”. People easily bring out the incapability narrative but no one ever questions what have I done to make women capable or empowered? What is my contribution? 

Echoing Pakhrin’s call to recognize women’s collective progress, Shahi adds another layer by addressing the issue of compartmentalizing women’s issues stressing that treating these concerns as separate will lead to the marginalization of more than half the population. To avoid this, it is necessary to view women’s issues as central to the overall progress of the society.

Women who are in politics of Nepal are slowly and steadily dismantling the barriers that take the form of a deeply ingrained myth of capability and incapability based on gender bias. By showcasing their resilience and determination in the face of these barriers and their stories of balancing family and a career, pioneering achievements and enduring scrutiny reveals their profound strength. This represents a transformation of the political landscape. As Nepal steps into a new era that opens doors for future generations of Nepali women leaders in various sectors, there is a call for action that rings loud and clear: to move beyond limiting beliefs and build a future where every woman’s voice is not just heard but also respected and empowered. The creation of a just society now depends on the young generation, a society where people support the rise of women who are to Nepal’s progress, growth and development.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s announcement to rejoin active politics has raised widespread concerns about the impartiality and integrity of the presidency. Political leaders and experts argue that her decision undermines Nepal’s nascent republic, which is already facing challenges from royalist forces.

Former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai criticized the move, stating that it contradicts the CPN-UML’s professed ideology of multiparty democracy, as championed by Madan Bhandari. “Bhandari’s return to active politics is not just an internal party matter. It has serious implications for national interests, the spirit of the federal republic, and governance,” he said.

Nepali Congress (NC) leaders warned that Bhandari’s political reentry could intensify attacks on the republic and erode public trust in the presidency. Over the past year, Bhandari has been conducting parallel party activities and has openly declared her ambition to lead the UML and eventually become prime minister.

In contrast, former President Ram Baran Yadav (2008–2015) has refrained from active politics, focusing instead on social work. While former Vice President Nanda Kishor Pun joined Maoist politics, observers note that the roles of president and vice president carry vastly different symbolic weights, making Bhandari’s case more contentious.

Political analysts warn that if Bhandari resumes active politics, the presidency may no longer be seen as an impartial institution, weakening the republican system. Past decisions by both Yadav and Bhandari have already faced public scrutiny. Yadav clashed with non-NC prime ministers, while Bhandari was accused of favoring the UML during her tenure. Her latest move reinforces the perception that presidents prioritize party interests over national ones. Unlike in democracies where former heads of state typically engage in philanthropy, Bhandari’s decision sets a concerning precedent.

Prime Minister and UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli has opposed Bhandari’s return, calling it detrimental to both the country and party unity. He noted that the UML supported her presidency assuming she would adhere to constitutional norms barring former presidents from active politics. “Her plan to rejoin politics is alarming, given her former role as head of state, supreme commander of the Nepali Army, and a symbol of the republic,” Oli said.

Bhandari is pressuring the party to clarify her position, reportedly seeking senior leadership status before next month’s statute convention. However, the UML has delayed renewing her ordinary membership, citing ongoing review. Senior leader Surendra Pandey claims her membership was renewed two years ago, but the party has not officially confirmed this.

Meanwhile, Bhandari has been expanding her influence through the Madan Bhandari Foundation, a think tank named after her late husband, and touring provinces to bolster her support base.

As Bhandari maneuvers for a comeback, the UML is preparing amendments to allow Oli a third consecutive term as chairman and abolish the 70-year age limit, a move opposed by Vice-chairperson Ishwar Pokhrel but met with silence from other senior leaders. Leaders like Pokhrel, Ananda Pokhrel, Karna Bahadur Thapa and Gokul Banskota have openly backed Bhandari, while top figures remain noncommittal.

Amid rising tensions, Oli and Bhandari held a one-on-one meeting at the UML headquarters on Sunday, signaling unresolved negotiations over her political future.

The Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation has obtained the final investigation report on the fatal accident of a Saurya Airlines CRJ-200 aircraft (tail number 9N–AME) that crashed shortly after departure from Tribhuvan International Airport on 24 July 2024 claiming the lives of 18 people.

The report was formally presented to Minister Badri Prasad Pandey by Ratish Chandra Lal Suman, chairman of the government-appointed inquiry commission. Minister Pandey, at the handing-over ceremony, assured that the ministry would take action based on the report’s findings and confirmed that the inquiry was conducted independently and without the influence of any external party.

What, when and where?

On July 24 morning, a Saurya Airlines Bombardier CRJ-200, on a non-commercial ferry flight to Pokhara for routine maintenance, crashed seconds after lifting off from runway 02 of Tribhuvan International Airport. There were 19 people on board, including cockpit and engineering staff.

Shortly after takeoff at 11:11 am, the plane made a sudden rightward bank and plunged near runway 20, bursting into flames upon impact. Emergency responders—including airport firefighters, police, and the military—were deployed swiftly. The accident claimed 18 lives and temporarily shut down airport operations, delaying multiple domestic and international flights. Only the captain survived.

The incident prompted an immediate government response, and a five-member investigation commission was formed in an emergency Cabinet meeting. The team, which was headed by Ratish Chandra Lal Suman, former director general of the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), also included Captain Dipu Jwarchan, engineering professors Kuldip Bhattarai and Sanjay Adhikari, and CAAN air traffic controller Mukesh Dangol.

Their finished report outlines the crash’s causes and provides recommendations for preventing such an incident from recurring.

What went wrong?

Preliminary reports suggest a number of operational failures. One of the most significant was incorrect weight distribution; bags were not properly stowed and may have shifted on takeoff. The crew also used takeoff speeds that did not match guide figures from the plane manual, resulting in unstable flight dynamics.

The report highlights that the pitch rate during takeoff was as high as 8.6° per second—nearly three times higher than that specified by the manufacturer—making the aircraft uncontrollable seconds after rotation. Furthermore, the ferry flight had been cleared without due supervision from CAAN, bypassing critical safety checks.

The aircraft had not been operated for over a month and was heading to Pokhara for base maintenance. Despite holding a valid airworthiness certificate and having undergone minimum return-to-service inspections, the report states that more thorough maintenance tasks had been deferred.

The captain, with over 6,000 hours of flight time—much of it on the CRJ-200—was accompanied by a far less experienced co-pilot. The technically competent crew, it is reported, failed to take into account critical parameters like proper trim settings, load balancing, and correct speed selection.

The aircraft was full of 19 individuals and approximately 600 kg of baggage, bringing its total takeoff weight to over 18 tons. The investigators found that proper load-securing measures, such as cargo nets and straps outlined in the airline’s Ground Handling Manual, were not followed.

It is estimated that the unsecured load created an aft center of gravity, which, in combination with an improper stabilizer setting, might have led to an uncontrollable nose-up pitch during climb-out—aerodynamically stalling.

The investigation also revealed procedural deficiencies at CAAN. The ferry flight was approved despite missing or incomplete documentation, contrary to the requirements of CAAN’s own 2015 Flight Permission Manual. The regulator was chastised by investigators for allowing a potentially non-compliant aircraft to fly without invoking appropriate safety checks.

The commission called for urgent overhaul of CAAN procedures for approving non-scheduled and ferry flights.

Both Flight Data Recorder (FDR) and Cockpit Voice Recorder (CVR) were recovered and analyzed in Singapore with international help. Data revealed that both engines were functioning normally throughout the flight.

However, pitch rate data and audio transcripts revealed a series of stall warnings (stick shaker activations) seconds into the takeoff. The plane rolled uncontrollably as the pilot fought to regain control—first to the right, then left, and once again right—before the crash. It all took place in under 20 seconds, which reflected the rapidity with which events unfolded.

The investigation commission also issued a series of interim safety recommendations directed to airline operators and the CAAN. Among the significant directives was the revision and updating of takeoff speed charts and Reduced Takeoff Weight (RTOW) data with immediate effect so that they align with the aircraft manufacturer’s official manuals.

The commission demanded rigorous enforcement of baggage and cargo handling rules, with proper weight distribution and load securing using nets or straps to prevent load shifts during flight. It also called for the complete overhaul of CAAN’s flight authorization process, particularly ferry and chartered flights, to close oversight loopholes and improve compliance with established safety procedures.

In 2013 the European Union, citing safety issues, banned airlines licensed in Nepal from flying the European airspace.

Saurya Airlines will do “everything possible” to implement and adhere to the recommendations, operation manager Bivechan Khanal told Reuters. The crash highlighted the poor air safety record of landlocked Nepal, which depends greatly on air connectivity.